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Article Excerpt
Recent epidemiological and survey research indicates that the incidence of delinquency among adolescent females is increasing. Existing treatment programs based primarily in research on males, fail to consider the unique developmental needs of females These programs focus on punishment rather than treatment, often reinforcing the behaviors they seek to reduce or eliminate. Programs that incorporate a focus on gender issues, prevention, early intervention, and positive mental health are needed. A wellness paradigm is presented and explored as a promising approach to preventing as well as treating delinquent behaviors among adolescent females. This approach is demonstrated using a case example from an inpatient adolescent treatment program.
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Current social and political attitudes combined with gender bias in the juvenile justice system have created the illusion that adolescent females are at lower risk than males for delinquency (Pepi, 1997). This bias often results in female offenders being referred for psychiatric rather than offender treatment (Westendorp, Brink, Roberson, & Ortiz, 1986), thus making the exact prevalence of female delinquent behavior difficult to determine. Epidemiologic research by Fergusson, Horwood, and Lynskey (1993), with a large population of 15-year-olds, revealed diagnoses of conduct disorder in as many as 9.5% of females compared to 12.2% of males. These statistics support Pajer's (1998) conclusion, that among adolescent girls, conduct disorder and delinquency are not rare. Further, the rate of violent crimes among girls as well as adult females is increasing (Loper & Cornell, 1996; Mann, 1996; Molidor, 1996). Between 1994 and 1996, rates of female delinquency in most offense categories rose more than rates for males (Department of Justice, 2000), substantially narrowing the reported gender gap in delinquent behavior.
Increasing female delinquency is sobering because of the problematic behaviors themselves and accompanying sanctions, and also because of a myriad of other problems that often exist concomitantly with girls' delinquent involvement (Rosenbaum, 1989). These additional problems include family and relationship dysfunction, higher incidences of violence, drug use, deficiencies in mental health, sexual promiscuity and victimization, teen pregnancy, and dropping out of school (Ellickson & Saner, 1997; Fergusson & Woodward, 2000; Pajer, 1998). The ramifications of female adolescent delinquency do not end with the transition to young adulthood (Bardone, Moffitt, Caspi, & Dickson, 1996; Robins, 1996; Rutter, 1992, 1996). Numerous studies reveal a continuity of problem behaviors throughout adulthood--criminal behavior (Gilfus, 1989; Nagin, Pogarsky, & Farrington, 1997), dysfunctional relationships (Caspi & Elder, 1988), and poor mental health (Robins & Price, 1991; Rowe, Sullivan, Mulder, & Joyce, 1996). These problems create significant social and economic consequences and, not surprisingly, calls from the media, researchers, and even the federal government for new and effective programs, research, and prevention strategies to help adolescent as well as adult female offenders and potential offenders (Department of Justice, 2000; Pajer, 1998). Mental health counselors are in a unique position to develop such programs, based on the developmental, wellness philosophy that underlies the profession (Myers, 1992; Myers, Sweeney, & Witmer, 2001; Pepi, 1997; Weikel & Palmo, 1996).
In this article, wellness is presented as a paradigm for understanding delinquent adolescent females and is contrasted to treatment programs within the mental health and juvenile justice systems. The intersection of gender and wellness is explored, gender bias in existing treatment programs for delinquent females is examined, and gender-appropriate treatment programs are described. Wellness is defined, models of wellness are described, and the Wheel of Wellness is presented as a foundation for assessment, treatment planning, and intervention from a developmental perspective. A case example is described to demonstrate the application of a wellness model in counseling with a delinquent adolescent female.
WELLNESS: A PREFERRED PARADIGM TO MENTAL ILLNESS OR CORRECTIONAL PROGRAMS
Wellness incorporates a commitment to developing functional, practical life behaviors intellectually, spiritually, physically, socially, emotionally, and occupationally (Asuini & Fiddler-Woite, 1996; Myers et al., 2000). Thus, wellness models allow for a holistic view of functioning, consider both healthy and unhealthy behaviors, and empower the client to build on her strengths and develop in positive ways. However, to better understand how the wellness paradigm can be used in counseling with adolescent delinquent females, it is important to understand how delinquent girls are conceptualized as ill and/or criminal and how male and female delinquents are differentially classified as well as the limitations of current treatment effectiveness within the mental health and juvenile justice systems.
Behaviorally Derailed Female Adolescents: Ill, Criminal, or Not Well?
Currently, female delinquents are conceptualized as being mentally ill or criminals and consequently tracked into one of two systems, the mental health system or the correctional, juvenile justice system (Westendorp et al., 1986). Both systems pathologize delinquent behaviors and base treatment in the medical model of care, a model that addresses deficit behaviors, places the locus of responsibility for improvement in the hands of a professional, and thus does not emphasize empowering the client to take action to enhance her own development and functioning (Brickman et al., 1982; Burg & Seeman, 1994). Within this context, it is difficult to determine whether delinquency among adolescent girls is a result of mental illness, criminality, or a lack of wellness. This distinction, or lack of distinction in many cases, contributes to the lack of success found in existing treatment programs.
Internal susceptibility to delinquent involvement, possibly attributed to a mental illness such as conduct disorder, is illustrated in the individual characteristics that contribute to delinquency, including the internalization of problems, resulting in increased incidences of depression, self-destructive behavior, and social withdrawal (Belknap & Holsinger, 1997). Rutter (1996) suggests that female adolescent delinquent involvement also can be attributed to individual factors such as genetics and heredity. The research of Fergusson and Woodward (2000) indicates that individual behavioral characteristics increase the risk of delinquency for girls; that is, female delinquency involves a causal process in which conduct problems are associated with risk-taking behaviors and, consequently, these risk-taking behaviors increase girls' risks for psychosocial difficulties in the future.
To understand the problem of female adolescent delinquency accurately as criminal behavior, several concepts must be discussed. First, conduct disorder and delinquency are not synonymous terms; delinquent behavior does not necessarily meet the criteria for conduct disorder (Pajer, 1998). Conduct disorder can be differentiated from delinquency in that conduct disorder pertains to engaging in antisocial acts for at least 6 months, whether or not an arrest occurs. Delinquency constitutes youth being adjudicated for committing specific offenses.
Second, delinquent acts fall into two categories, criminal and status offenses. Criminal offenses, behaviors that are illegal regardless of age, encompass a wide range of activities from noninjurious offenses such as theft and burglary to acts that include perpetrating bodily harm (Lenssen, Doreleijers, van Dijk, & Hartman, 2000; Pajer, 1998). Status offenses are actions that become law violations only when committed by a juvenile such as running-away, underage drinking, truancy, violating curfews, and unmanageable behavior (Pepi, 1997). Girls are more likely to commit less violent crimes than are boys (Ellickson & Saner, 1997); however, a study by Pepi indicates that more girls than boys, by a ratio of 12 to 1, were charged with nonviolent status offenses. Weiss, Nicholson, and Cretella (1996) suggest that within the context of adolescence, these behaviors may not...
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