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Article Excerpt
Socialization has been defined as the process of learning the attitudes, values, and behavior patterns of a given society or group in order to function effectively within it (Elkind & Handel, 1989; Schaefer, 2005). One of the primary goals of socialization is the preparation for various social roles, including occupational roles (Jablin, 2000; Vondracek & Porfeli, 2003). According to Erikson's (1968) model of lifespan socialization, occupational identity is one of the most important aspects of identity formation in adolescence. In his view, a "moratorium" period during adolescence allows young people the freedom to experiment with different identities and adult roles. Ultimately, they must make a series of choices that lead to commitments in a variety of domains, including the commitment to an occupation.
The work environment is one of the most important contexts in which individuals function during their lives. Long before entering the workforce, children and adolescents develop conceptions of what it means to work, and form aspirations and expectations regarding their own place in the world of work. This process has been referred to as anticipatory socialization to work (Jablin, 2000). Five socialization sources--family, educational institutions, the media, peers, and volunteer or part-time jobs--have been identified as contributing to this process (Feij, 1998; Jablin, 2000). Each source provides different information about work and the workplace (Levine & Hoffner, 2006), and combined, they help young people to develop an understanding of what it means to work, and to begin considering future careers (Feij, 1998).
Young people learn a great deal by observing others, especially those they admire or feel close to, such as family members, friends, and media figures. In his social cognitive theory, Bandura (1986, 2001) contends that learning through observation can include simple imitation of behavior, but typically goes beyond this to involve the adoption of attitudes, values, aspirations, and other characteristics observed in others. This process clearly has a motivational component. People seek to become like others, in part, in an effort to achieve rewards or other valued outcomes, such as positive feedback, success, or enhanced self-esteem. Children initially learn about work in the home through chores, play, and observation of parents and other family members. Observing the work activities of parents and others with whom children have an emotional bond helps shape their values and attitudes toward work and provides a foundation for work socialization in adolescence (Feij, 1998). Television is also an important force in young people's lives, and provides many additional salient and attractive role models (Hoffner, 2008; Signorielli & Kahlenberg, 2001). Much evidence shows that young people learn from the values, beliefs, and behaviors exhibited by television characters (e.g., Valkenburg, 2004).
The present study examined the role of television and parents in the development of work values and occupational aspirations among college freshmen, aged 18 and 19. This age group is at the end of adolescence, on the cusp of adulthood. At this point in their lives, young people are seriously considering their educational and occupational choices (Arnett, 2000). Yet little research on socialization to work has examined this age group, and almost no research has compared the role of television and family in this process. The following sections define work values and occupational aspirations, and review theory and research regarding the role of television and parents as agents of socialization to work.
Work Values and Aspirations
Learning what it means to work begins in early childhood (Feij, 1998). Young people's work-related beliefs, attitudes, and values play an important role in their selection of an occupation or career and their satisfaction with this choice. Two key value dimensions have been identified in the literature on motivation: intrinsic motivation (i.e., internal factors, such as pride or personal satisfaction) and extrinsic motivation (i.e., external factors, such as praise or tangible rewards) (Deci & Ryan, 1985). Within the context of work, intrinsic values concern rewards that are inherent in the experience of work, such as "being able to express one's interests and abilities, to be creative, to exercise self-direction and responsibility, to work with people, and to be helpful to others" (Ryu & Mortimer, 1996, p. 168). Individuals who enjoy what they are doing are likely intrinsically motivated. Motivation to work also depends to some extent on factors external to oneself. Extrinsic work values "concern rewards that are derived from the job, but are external to the work itself, such as income, prestige, opportunities for advancement, and security" (Ryu & Mortimer, 1996, p. 168). Ryu and Mortimer (1996) argued that middle-class parents, whose jobs typically permit greater autonomy and self-direction, tend to place a higher value on intrinsic rewards than do working-class parents, whose jobs typically require a greater degree of conformity to external standards.
The process of selecting an occupation or career also begins at an early age. Occupational aspirations are usually defined in terms of occupational status or prestige, educational requirements, and/or typical income level of the occupations or careers that young people aspire to attain in adulthood (McGee & Stockard, 1991; McNulty & Borgen, 1988; Schoon & Parsons, 2002). As individuals mature from childhood to young adulthood, they intentionally and/or unintentionally gather occupational information from the environment, consider their personal interests and capabilities, weigh the issues and alternatives involved in choosing a particular job or occupation, and finally make a series of choices that influence the direction of their future careers (Feij, 1998). Young people's career aspirations are important to consider, because they can help motivate educational attainment and contribute to the achievement of successful careers (Schoon & Parsons, 2002). This study examines the extent to which television and parents contribute to the development of work values and occupational aspirations.
Television as Socialization Agent
Television's World of Work. Content analyses have shown that prime-time television provides much information about the world of work (Signorielli, 1993; Vande Berg & Trujillo, 1989). Television depicts numerous organizations and workplaces (e.g., law firms, hospitals, restaurants, businesses), and shows people engaged in various work-related activities. However, many traditional occupations, and much of what typically takes place during a workday, are not exciting or dramatic enough to be depicted on programs designed primarily to entertain. Moreover, television often transmits an inaccurate, stereotypic image of how people behave and communicate in various occupations, and portrays women and ethnic minorities in less glamorous or prestigious occupational roles than White males (e.g., Signorielli & Kahlenberg, 2001; Vande Berg & Trujillo, 1989). Television also overrepresents law- enforcement and professional positions while underrepresenting managerial, labor, and service jobs (Signorielli & Kahlenberg, 2001). Thus, television can be an important learning source about work, but presents a somewhat limited and distorted picture of the work world.
Television's Role in Socialization to Work. A small number of studies have examined how television influences young people's knowledge and perceptions of work, and their occupational aspirations. Television can provide information about work and introduce young people to careers they may not have previously considered (e.g., Huston, Wright, Fitch, Wroblewski, & Piemyat, 1997; King & Multon, 1996; Levine & Hoffner, 2006; Wright et al., 1995). In addition, television viewing is associated with beliefs about the job activities involved in specific occupations, and with the tendency to believe that occupations on television have more glamour and higher income, but require less effort (e.g., Signorielli, 1993; Wright et al., 1995; Wroblewski & Huston, 1987). Signorielli (1993), for example, found that high school students who viewed more television were more likely to aspire to high-status, prestigious jobs that paid well, but also wanted these jobs to be relatively easy and to provide lengthy vacations and leisure time. These findings suggest that anticipatory socialization from the media may facilitate the development of extrinsic work values and a desire for easy work.
Cultivation is one theoretical explanation for the impact of television on occupational expectations and aspirations (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002; Signorielli, 1993). Cultivation effects include perceptions of social reality, such as demographic estimates (first-order effects), as well as more general values, beliefs, and attitudes (second-order effects) (Gerbner et al., 2002; Potter, 1991). According to Gerbner, television presents themes and images that are uniform across programs and genres, and thus cultivation effects are associated with total television exposure. Many scholars have challenged the assumption of uniform television messages and the view that characteristics of specific portrayals are unimportant. Some researchers have pointed out that portrayals vary widely across different television genres, and have argued that genre exposure is a more appropriate indicator of the messages to which viewers are exposed (e.g., Potter, 1993; Rossler & Brosius, 2001). Greenberg (1988) contended that individual characters may have a strong effect on viewers' perceptions and beliefs, and suggested that research should "assess whether selected characters rather than the collected mass...
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