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Article Excerpt
Abstract
Numerous empirical studies have been conducted to examine first-generation college students, those individuals whose parents have not attended college. Their personality characteristics, cognitive development, academic preparation, and first-year performance have all been topics of research; yet there appears to be little in the literature exploring the motivation of these individuals to seek higher education. There are even fewer studies targeting academic motivation in Hispanic students. The purpose of this study is to conduct a phenomenological examination of the desire to attend college among first generation Hispanic students participating in an academic support program. One-hour taped interviews were conducted with three volunteer participants enrolled in the Student Support Services program at Sul Ross State University. Meaning units and constituents were extracted, and general structures were developed using the Descriptive Phenomenological Method (Giorgi, 1985). The phenomenological analysis resulted in two structures that address the effectiveness of academic outreach programming and identify the roles of self-efficacy, successful experiences in high school, a desire for improved socioeconomic status, a need to contribute to the well-being of others, a break with tradition, and the influence of respected role models in facilitating a desire for higher education in first-generarion Hispanic college students.
Keywords
first-generation students, Hispanic college students, higher education, academic support program, desire for college, phenomenological research
There have been numerous empirical studies targeting first-generation college students, those individuals whose parents have not attended college. Their personality characteristics, cognitive development, academic preparation, and first-year performance have all been topics of research (Bui, 2002). However, there appears to be little in the way of research which explains the meaning of their perspectives and how they are related to each other within a lived experience. Research results have too often been attributed solely to the individual meeting the criteria for a particular category, and the majority of existing studies focus on retention issues (Ishitani, 2003) rather than on motivation for seeking higher education.
Without an understanding of unique meaning, it might not be possible to anticipate or meet the needs of first-generation students in the academic environment. A phenomenological study describes the meaning of the lived experiences for several individuals in regard to a phenomenon being examined (Giorgi, 2003). This study utilized the descriptive phenomenological method (Giorgi, 1985) to discover the meaning of desire for higher education for some Hispanic first-generation students. Through an analysis of the psychological meaning of descriptions of the lived experiences provided by these individuals, understanding may be gained which could facilitate innovative approaches to meet the needs of students in both secondary and higher education settings.
Problem Statement
The purpose of this study was to answer the following research question: What is the experience of the desire for higher education in Hispanic firstgeneration college students enrolled in an academic support program? Although Thorndike (1922) defined desire as an emotion, involving thought and an accompanying emotional attitude, it remained for each participant to determine their own unique meaning for the concept. The research question asked in this study is distinguished from those appearing in prior research regarding influential family dynamics; motivational factors of various types; and academic success, challenges, or areas of interest. The question regards the phenomenon of the desire itself, its unique meaning in the lived experience of the individual.
Literature Review
First-generation Students
Those in higher education are most interested in first-generation students. They are interested in attracting, matriculating, and keeping them through graduation. First-generation college students' personality characteristics, cognitive development, academic preparation, and first-year performance have all been topics of research. A number of studies have been done addressing persistence, adaptation to the college environment, the influence of family, and issues of social mobility. Despite the abundance of research focused on this population, there appears to be little in the literature exploring the motivation of these individuals to seek higher education.
Persistence and resilience are addressed in outreach programs in higher education settings. Since studies (Horn, 1998) demonstrate lower retention rates for first-generation students than for those whose parents are college-educated, universities are trying to gain a better understanding of first-generation individuals in order to address attrition. This agenda is reflected in existing literature.
A number of previous studies indicated that first-generation students differ from their peers. They are disproportionately low-income, non-White, and female (Lohfink & Paulsen, 2005). York-Anderson and Bowman (1991) found first-generation students received less support from parents regarding the commitment to enroll in college. Lohfink and Paulsen (2005) suggest first-generation students make choices based on different worldviews than continuing-generation students; these views may be unique to their own groups and thus frame what students perceive and value about college. Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella, and Nora (1996) note first-generation students tend to have lower educational aspirations than those students whose parents attended college. These findings highlight the importance of understanding more about factors that promote the formation of educational aspiration.
A study by Phinney and Hass (2003) addressed adaptation to the college environment in first-generation students. For many ethnic minority students from immigrant backgrounds, the family expectation is to continue to live at home and to carry out family duties while attending college. This may produce conflict in desire as students weigh future home and academic demands.
Bui (2002) compared reasons for pursuing higher education in students whose parents had at least a bachelor's degree with first-generation students. In that study, first-generation students attributed greater importance to gaining respect or status, bringing honor to their family, and helping the family financially after they graduate from college. For these students, the desire to better oneself may manifest in an altruistic framework; the motivation may include rescuing oneself from a challenging and limited future, but also giving something back to family and community (Terenzini et al., 1994).
The influence of family in first-generation students has been further examined. Lee, San, Kim, and Hagedorn (2004) state, "Parents who have not attended college ... tend to have less direct knowledge of the economic and social benefits of a postsecondary education. Thus, some of these parents may prefer their children work rather than attend college" (Introduction section,5). First-generation students are at times faced with the difficult choice between pursing a college degree and fulfilling these family expectations for employment (Terenzini et al., 1994). This may influence the phenomenon of desire in these individuals' lived experience.
Research from Terenzini et al. (1994) demonstrated that for many first-generation students, going to college "constitutes a major disjunction in their life course ... Those who were the first in their immediate family to attend college were breaking, not continuing, family tradition" (p. 63). Families can communicate anxiety about the individual's college enrollment. Some parents recognize that their children who wish to attend college may do so, and then never, metaphorically, return home. Sensing these fears may produce anxiety in these students (Terenzini et al., 1994); anxiety may in some instances influence or even override desire.
Studies by London (1989) and Roberts and Rosenwald (2001) address the costs of social mobility. Roberts and Rosenwald (2001) examined upward mobility in regard to ego identity formation; it was evaluated as a process rather than as an outcome and might include an internalization of class conflict. London (1989) addresses how first-generation students reconcile, or fail to reconcile, the conflicting requirements of family and educational mobility. He remarks that the ethic of individual achievement that our society promotes can produce a discontinuity that separates families. The choice to attend college can involve not only gain, but loss, in particular the loss of a familiar past, of intergenerational continuity. The potential for biographical and social dislocation can occur with the choice to pursue higher education; this "freedom of choice ... can also be the agony of choice" (p. 168).
Ochberg and Comeau (2001) note upwardly mobile students face the dilemma of explaining, if only to themselves, why the world that seems adequate to their family is not enough for them. These students may regard this issue from a sociological perspective. Although the students may accept their cultural background, they may not be willing to accept such a reality for themselves. It might be important to examine the dynamics of the conscious choice of social mobility in desire for college.
First-generation students are not a homogeneous group, and differences in race, gender, ethnicity, and region can shape identity development in meaningful ways (Roberts & Rosenwald, 2001). Although all of the previously mentioned literature is valuable in examining the first generation student, it does not specifically address Hispanic students. There is little in the way of research that has targeted this specific population in studying the concept of aspiration for higher education. Studies by Gandara (1982), Zarate and Gallimore (2005), and Goldenberg, Gallimore, Reese, and Garnier (2001) examine factors associated with college enrollment among this group. These include family influences, self-efficacy, language proficiency, academic success, and parental aspirations. Kao and Thompson (2003) note Hispanic students are more likely than ever before to attend college. However, even though educational aspirations are currently universally high for all racial and ethnic groups, there remain substantial gaps between more advantaged groups and Hispanics (Kao & Thompson, 2003). It is important to examine these factors in discovering the meaning of this kind of desire.
Terenzini et al. (1994) noted the transition from high school or work to college is a complex phenomenon that may be viewed as "a highly interrelated, web-like series of family, interpersonal, academic, and organizational pulls and pushes" (p. 61). The process varies according to the student's family, educational and social background, and their occupational/educational orientation. Hispanic students may have themes that differ from those of other ethnic backgrounds, but the existing research does not sufficiently address the academic aspirations of this group from a phenomenological perspective.
Academic Support Programs
One means by which institutions of higher education address academic motivation and attend to the needs of Hispanic and first-generation students is through academic support programs. University-based academic support programs are designed with the goal of increasing enrollment, retention, and graduation rates (Kim, 2000). One of these programs with national acclaim is the Student Support Services (SSS) United States Department of Education TRIO Program. The...
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