...excitation inhibition are thought be independent of one another and to vary from person to person (Janssen, Vorst, Finn, & Bancroft, 2002a, 2002b). The model assumes that in the majority of individuals inhibition is adaptive and helps us avoid sexually risky or threatening situations. Levels of inhibitory tone that are either too low or too high, however may contribute to problems ranging from high-risk sexual behavior to sexual dysfunctions (Bancroft, 1999; Janssen et al., 2002a, 2002b). Sexual excitation may mediate these relationships. That is, when strong sexual inhibition is paired with low excitation, sexual response may be particularly impaired, and if low inhibition is combined with high excitation, high-risk sexual situations may be subjectively experienced as more difficult to avoid. Sexual risk-taking behavior and sexual functioning problems are health issues of significant personal and social concern, and the dual control model provides a conceptual framework for how individual differences in sexual response may contribute to these problems. A better understanding of these differences has substantial potential for improving our attempts at prevention and treatment of sexual problems and high-risk sexual behavior.

Janssen and colleagues (2002a) designed the to assess the tendency to respond sexually to a variety of erotic stimuli. The items on this measure consist primarily of "if ... then" statements (i.e., "If I am on my own watching a sexual scene in a film, I quickly become sexually aroused"). Exploratory factor analysis of data provided by 408 male university undergraduates unexpectedly yielded three factors rather than two: one related to sexual excitation and two associated with sexual inhibition (Janssen et al., 2002a). The excitation factor (SES) describes sexual arousal stemming from social interactions, visual stimuli, fantasies, and nonsexual situations (such as bathing or lying in the sun). SIS1 focuses on sexual inhibition due to threat of performance failure (e.g., difficulty getting aroused, losing arousal easily, concern about pleasing a partner, etc.). SIS2 assesses sexual inhibition due to potential consequences of sex (such as the risk of being caught/intruded upon, sexually transmitted diseases [STDs], unwanted pregnancy, and pain) (Janssen et al., 2002a). The three-factor structure was confirmed in a sample of 459 undergraduate men, as well as a university-based sample of 313 male faculty and staff (Janssen et al., 2002a). Intercorrelations indicated that the excitation factor (SES) and the two inhibition factors (SIS1 and SIS2) were relatively independent (Janssen et al., 2002a, 2002b). SIS1 and SIS2 were related but not highly correlated (r = +.26), suggesting that they do not measure substantially overlapping constructs.

Results also suggested that SIS/SES scores showed acceptable test-retest reliability (r = +.67 and +.76 for the two samples) and good convergent/discriminant validity (Janssen et al., 2002a, 2002b). SES scores were modestly positively associated with scores on the Behavioral Inhibition/Behavioral Activation Scales (BIS/BAS; Carver & White, 1994), the Neuroticism subscale of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ; Eysenck & Eysenck, 1975), and the Sociosexual Orientation Inventory (SOI; Simpson & Gangestad, 1991), and more strongly related to Sexual Opinion Survey (SOS) scores (Fisher, Byrne, White, & Kelley, 1988). See the Method section for a more detailed description of these measures. Scores on SIS1 and SIS2 showed some overlap: both were modestly positively associated with scores on the Harm Avoidance Scale (MPQ-H). Only SIS2 scores, however, showed moderate negative correlations with SOS and SOI scores, and moderate positive relationships with scores on the Social Desirability Scale and the BIS/BAS Behavioral Inhibition subscale.

There are a number of reasons to expect women and men to show different propensities for sexual inhibition and excitation. Bjorklund and Kipp (1996) suggest that gender differences in parental investment may have rendered sexual inhibition of particular importance to our female ancestors. Because reproduction is associated with greater biological costs for females than for males (e.g., pregnancy), females especially would benefit from any mechanism that aids in controlling sexual desire and arousal (Wallen, 1995) and avoiding casual or opportunistic sex (Bjorklund & Kipp, 1996; Symons, 1979). In contrast, our male ancestors may have benefited from higher levels of sexual excitation. As the cost associated with fertilization is low, males may have increased reproductive potential by engaging in relatively indiscriminate, short-term mating with multiple partners (Buss, 1998; Knoth, Boyd, & Singer, 1988).

Many reports of sexuality-related gender differences appear relevant to dual control model processes. Research has found that males report earlier and more intense sexual arousal than females (Knoth, Boyd, & Singer, 1988), more frequent sexual desire (Beck, Bozman, & Qualtrough, 1991), and earlier, more frequent, and more varied sexual fantasies (Leitenberg & Henning, 1995). Men also spend more money than women on sex, sexual products, and sexual entertainment (Baumeister, Catanese, & Vohs, 2001; Wallen, 1995). In contrast, women report less permissive attitudes regarding casual, premarital, and extramarital sex in comparison with men (Clark & Hatfield, 1989; Cohen & Shotland, 1996; Oliver Hyde, 1993; Wuethrich, 1993), as well as fewer desired (Buss & Schmitt, 1993) and actual lifetime sexual partners (Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994; Wiederman, 1997). In a recent review, Baumeister and colleagues (2001) concluded that the evidence for stronger sex drive in men than women is "extensive, methodologically diverse, and consistent (p. 263)."

Sexual interest and expression clearly also are responsive to social influences (Hogben & Byrne, 1998). Sexual attitudes and behaviors are related to a number of sociocultural factors, including education, religious affiliation and activity, marital status, and socioeconomic status (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Laumann et al., 1994). More social control of sexuality may be directed toward women than toward men (Crawford & Popp, 2003), however, resulting in a sexual double standard. Female undergraduates report significantly more guilt associated with first intercourse than do males (Sprecher & Barbee, 1995), and female virgins report more positive and fewer negative emotions associated with their virginity than do males (Sprecher & Regan, 1996). In summary, the origins of gender differences in sexual behavior appear multifaceted, and the potential contributions of social construction and biological factors deserve shared consideration when interpreting data on sexual interest, behavior, and response.

Given extensive evidence for sexuality-related gender differences, Graham, Sanders, Milhausen, and McBride (2004) questioned whether the SIS/SES would be equally suited for use with women. Their specific concerns included the possibility that important influences on women's arousal (such as reputation, body image, fear of pregnancy, and relationship/partner factors) might be underrepresented on the SIS/SES. To address this concern, Graham and colleagues (2004) used focus groups to explore women's qualitative descriptions of factors that influence their sexual arousal. Participants described their arousal as strongly influenced by physical and emotional state (e.g., mood, hormonal changes, and stress levels), partner variables (e.g., personality and attractiveness), relationship variables (e.g., issues related to physical and emotional safety, feeling desired), various aspects of the sexual interaction (e.g., setting, timing, and partner's skill and enthusiasm), and also culturally mediated concerns (e.g., religious influences and concerns about reputation). As many of these factors are not assessed by the SIS/SES in its current format, Graham, Sanders and Milhausen (2006) developed the sexual Excitation/Sexual Inhibition Inventory for Women (SESII-W). Exploratory factor analysis yielded eight factors and two higher-order factors (one related to sexual excitation and one related to sexual inhibition). Using the SESII-W with a sample of male and female college students, Milhausen (2004) found significant gender differences, with men scoring higher on sexual excitation and women on sexual inhibition.

This study adopted a different approach to studying arousal processes in women. While the SIS/SES initially was validated in men, its development was based upon an assumption that the neurobiological mechanisms underlying sexual inhibition and excitation in women and men are shared. Our perspective is that even when gender differences are substantial, more variability will be observed within groups (e.g., individual differences) than between them (women versus men). We also expect that the majority of potential influences on sexual arousal (such as the risk of STDs, sexual fantasy, distraction, difficulties becoming aroused, etc.) are of substantial relevance to both women and men. Accordingly, we decided to examine women's scores on the SIS/SES and attempt to confirm the three-factor structure previously explored and validated in men.

Hyde (2005) reviewed findings related to the gender similarities hypothesis, which holds that men and women are more alike than different. Her results suggest that most reported effect sizes of psychological gender differences are small or close to zero (e.g., d < 0.35), but in citing notable exceptions, she stated that gender differences on some sexuality-related variables (including incidence of masturbation and attitudes about casual sex) are consistently large. Hyde (2005) discussed a number of social and interpersonal consequences of our tendency to focus on gender differences, and she suggested that such findings be reported and interpreted within the context of similarities between women and men. By approaching women's data using a model explored in men, we hoped to highlight both shared and unshared influences on men's and women's sexual arousal.

Hypothesis 1. We expected to find evidence for a globally similar factor structure for men and women, as indicated by Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) fit indices. We anticipated that the three-factor model might account for women's scores slightly less...

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