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Article Excerpt
Abstract
This research study used descriptive phenomenological methods (Giorgi, 1989, Methods, 1, 39-61) to investigate and document the lived experience of altruism as described by moral exemplars. Six moral exemplars wrote descriptions of situations in which they engaged in spontaneous altruism. Altruism was defined for the purpose of this study as a motivational state with the ultimate goal of increasing another's welfare (Batson, 1991, The altruism question: Toward a social psychological answer). These descriptions were then expanded and clarified through follow up interviews. The results of this descriptive phenomenological analysis produced two structures: the structure of the lived experience of altruism as described by moral exemplars, and the structure of the lived experience of helping as described by moral exemplars. The differences between these two structures suggest that altruistically motivated pro-social behavior is more committed, extensive and effective than egoistically motivated helping, and results in a higher level of concern for the long-term well-being of the individuals helped. Although differentiated by primary motivations, altruistic or egoistic, both structures identify the motivating factors of empathy, personal historical life experiences, moral values, and personal identity as essential to the experience of assisting another individual in need.
Keywords
altruism, phenomenology, moral exemplars, helping
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The topic of altruism, its origin in human consciousness, its role in human relationships and even its very existence has been a subject of debate for centuries. There is very little agreement on whether altruism, in its purest form, even exists, let alone on how it should be defined, and studied. And yet, in spite of differing opinions on the topic, researchers and bystanders alike have been, and continue to be fascinated by the apparently selfless acts of service extended to others by both ordinary individuals as well as by the moral exemplars amongst us.
Paradoxically, my interest in altruism has evolved out of my abhorrence of the atrocities committed by ostensibly normal individuals to millions of men, women and children of Jewish descent during the Holocaust. The magnitude of cruelty, the lack of compassion, and the complacency of so many individuals in the face of such immense human suffering continues to be deeply disturbing to me. I wonder what I would have done, had I been in similar circumstances. I wonder, are human beings really so evil, could Freud (1961) be right, and all people are driven by aggressive instincts to exploit others, to use them for their own gain, and to cause them pain? I would rather believe that the truth is something quite different, that people are really driven by kindness, attachment and caring and it is fear that gets in the way of their innate compassion. But, as this research study demonstrates, the truth appears to lie somewhere in between these two poles. People are driven by both egoistic and altruistic motives, and numerous factors (which I will discuss later) influence which motive takes precedence.
By better understanding the experience of altruism, my hope is that we will be able to more effectively foster it in ourselves and in others. Perhaps if more people had acted altruistically during WWII, the Holocaust would not have occurred, and perhaps we can prevent future Holocausts by learning about and cultivating more altruism in ourselves and in others. It is my belief that an increase in altruism can contribute to the regeneration of society, and ultimately will facilitate the promotion of a more compassionate and peaceful world.
To lay the foundation for this study, I will first define the terms moral exemplar and altruism. These terms are often used indiscriminately and even in some research studies are used casually and sloppily leading to confusion. To avoid confusion, I will define these terms now, and use them consistently from here on.
Moral exemplar. Many studies of altruism and prosocial behavior have focused on the lives of moral exemplars. Moral exemplars are extraordinarily giving individuals who live their lives committed to the moral value of service to humankind, with the specific goal of increasing the welfare of others. Individuals such as Mother Teresa, Albert Schweitzer, Dorothy Day, Mahatma Gandhi, Harriet Tubman and Nelson Mandela are examples of moral exemplars. By focusing one's attention on moral exemplars, researchers are following the tradition established by Maslow (1971) who claimed that if we want to learn more about ultimate human potential, we must study the most functional and enlightened amongst us. Moral exemplars are just those kinds of individuals. They are individuals who take on moral commitments to serve others, and these commitments dominate their lives. Moral used in this context is widely understood as pertaining to the rules of right or ethical conduct, and is synonymous with virtuous, just, righteous and possessing integrity (Webster's Unabridged Dictionary, 1989). Moral exemplars dedicate a significant amount of their resources to fulfill their moral commitments and pursue their passion for service to society and other human beings with great energy and effect, often inspiring others to do the same (Colby & Damon, 1992). Because moral exemplars consistently engage in altruistic acts, they serve as great resources in research studies seeking to understand altruistic behavior, and that is why they have been selected as the participant population for this study.
Altruism. The term altruism is a derivative from the Latin word "alter" (the other), which literally translated means "other-ism." The term altruism emerged as a modern secular scientific concept within the 19th century domain of scientific positivism, which attempted to substitute empirical reason for religion and superstition. Altruism is the secular version (without the emotional and spiritual undertones) of the Christian concept of agape love (Post, 2003).
However, even within the scientific community there is controversy about the definition of altruism. Some scientists claim that a truly altruistic act must be free of self-interest, a sort of transcendent self-sacrifice. According to August Comte (1875), who coined the term about 150 years ago, altruism is conceived of as devotion to the welfare of others, based in complete selflessness. At the other end of the spectrum are believers in universal egoism who claim that true altruism is really impossible and that humans are only capable of egoism (Freud, 1920). This view holds that people do good because it makes them feel good to do so.
Batson (1991) and other social scientists take a less dogmatic path and define altruism simply as a motivational state with the ultimate goal of increasing another's welfare. This is the definition that I use in this study. There are three key phrases in this definition that need to be clarified to avoid confusion. First, altruism is a motivational state. Motivation here refers to a goal directed force (Lewin, 1935) that disappears when the goal is reached. Altruism, according to Batson, is not defined in terms of behavior, but rather in terms of motivation. Based on this definition, altruism is not egoism, and yet it does not require a diminution of the altruist's welfare. It may or may not cost the altruist a great deal, and yet it may also provide the altruist with some forms of secondary rewards. With this definition, the line between altruism and egoism is logically very distinct (although it may be experientially mixed), and it rests with the primary motivation behind the individual's actions. The goal of the altruist is to assist another without anticipation of rewards for him or herself. Any emotional, spiritual or physical rewards received are secondary, and do not belong in the same category as the primary motivation.
Problem Statement
The majority of research studies done on the topic of altruism have used primarily experimental approaches, and even those that use qualitative methods tend to focus on socio-cultural correlates, not on the lived experience of the altruist. The psychologists conducting these studies generally agree that the focus of attention in understanding altruism and other psychological topics should be observable behavior (Tjeltveit, 2003). Their empirical perspective is that if you cannot measure something it does not exist. This limited approach attempts to remove, but actually minimalizes, the subjective and emotional dimensions of the experience of altruism, and in doing so prevents the investigator from accurately identifying and consequently effectively studying altruism. Altruism is not just about helpfulness, it is about the nature and motivation for helping (Batson, 1991).
The question then becomes how does one identify and disentangle the mix of motives intrinsic to the experience of altruism? The most obvious and simplest way to unearth the complex and often interwoven motivations underlying a potentially altruistic act, and to better understand altruism in general, is to ask the person performing the prosocial activity to describe their experience in detail. "Most social psychological research of the topic not only excludes so uncomplicated an approach but deceives subjects by telling them that something else altogether is being studied" (Kohn, 1990, p. 229). This is why a phenomenological study of altruism is so important.
In phenomenology, the researcher does not construct an artificial experimental situation, or examine the history and demographics of the altruist as in a case study; instead they go to the very source of altruism, the described experience of the altruist. Through this process the subjective world of the altruist becomes known to the researcher, including the individual's possibly conflicting motivations, values, drives, emotions, thoughts and even self-deceptions. This type of in-depth examination of the lived experience of altruism is possible through the descriptive phenomenological method (Giorgi, 1989).
In this research study I used the descriptive phenomenological method to examine the experience of altruism from the perspective of moral exemplars. My desire was to discover the phenomenological structure of the lived experience of altruism for moral exemplars in order to learn more about altruism. Polkinghorne (1989) identifies three ways in which phenomenological research can be useful. First, phenomenological research provides a deeper understanding of what certain kinds of lived experiences are like. Second, by exploring situated human consciousness, phenomenology can help make sense in psychological and human terms of some of the findings of traditional research. And finally, social action and public policy can be informed by this type of human science research.
This study seeks to bridge the gap left by traditional social psychological research by using the descriptive phenomenological method (Giorgi, 1989) to uncover the structure of the lived experience of altruism as described by moral exemplars.
Literature Review
The majority of social psychological research studies that have attempted to explore, explain or understand the behavior of altruists have been controlled laboratory or field experiments (Batson, 1991; Piliavin & Charng, 1990; Post, Johnson, McCullough, & Schloss, 2003), but a growing number of qualitative studies have been conducted that seek to provide a more integrated and in-depth look at the experience of altruism. Since this is a qualitative research study, specifically a phenomenological research study, I will focus this literature review on the studies most relevant to the topic, altruism, and the methodology, phenomenology.
There have been no purely phenomenological studies conducted that have sought to describe the experience of altruism, and only a few that address related topics. I will begin this literature review by examining the more traditional qualitative studies that have been conducted that explore altruism. Then I will discuss the three phenomenological studies I have found that address topics related to altruism. Each of the studies have contributed to a more comprehensive understanding of the causes, conditions and experiences of prosocial and altruistic behavior, as well as provided background and rationale for this study.
Qualitative Studies
Colby and Damon (1992) used assisted autobiographies to study the lives of moral exemplars, Oliner and Oliner (1988) used structured interviews to explore the motivations and characteristics of rescuers of Jews during WWII, and Lee, Kang, Lee and Park (2005) used retrospective interviewing to identify characteristics of exemplary altruists.
Colby and Damon (1992) used the assisted autobiography method of case study to interview their participants and analyze their results. The moral exemplars they studied were found to possess an impervious sense of certainty, positive attitudes toward hardship and challenge, openness to new ideas, an ability to grow through challenges, and an unremitting faith in some power greater than themselves. They were collaborative, spontaneous, extensive (attached and inclusive) and committed to the values of truth, justice, charity, integrity and personal growth. Each of these individuals shared a willingness and desire to learn from and grow through their mistakes and successes combined with a profound commitment to their altruistic goals.
Oliner and Oliner (1988) investigated European rescuers of Jews during the Holocaust. Despite terrible personal risks, these altruistic individuals sheltered and aided Jews fleeing Nazi persecution. The Oliner's used both in-depth interviews as well as traditional personality tests and psychometric instruments to study the characteristics and experiences of these rescuers. They found that the personal qualities of many of the rescuers included a strong sense of control over their own lives, strong attachments to others, a sense of responsibility for others, a great capacity for empathy, a history of family closeness during childhood, belief in a meaning greater than self and an inclusive attitude (an ability to see different types of people as essentially similar to themselves) (Oliner & Oliner, 1988).
Lee, et al. (2005) used retrospective interviews (Bloom, 1985) to identify key characteristics of exemplary altruists. Sixty exemplary altruists (who had been honored individually in an hour-long national television program for their exemplary altruistic behaviors) were each interviewed for 90-120 minutes. The audio taped interviews were transcribed and then content analyzed. The common characteristics of these exemplary altruists were found to be: a high sense of integrity, high self-esteem, and high autonomy. In executing their altruistic acts, the exemplary altruists were consistent, voluntary, and self-controlled. They also showed...
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