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Article Excerpt
ABSTRACT. Previous research on racial/ethnic labeling among Latino populations in the U.S. has explored the continuing salience of racial/ethnic identities, and how these identities vary considerably by factors such as language use, national origin, generational status, region, and social context. However, while research has explored the role of language fluency (English or Spanish-speaking ability) in Latinos' racial/ethnic labeling choices, very little research has explored how language itself may transform the meaning of a particular racial/ethnic label. Drawing on interviews with fifty-two Mexican Americans from five Texas communities, I explore the divergent meanings of the labels MEXICAN vs. MEXICANO/A, and TEXAN vs. TEJANO/A. While these words reflect a literal translation from English to Spanish, they elicit very different responses from participants in the study. These findings highlight the need for more in-depth research exploring the role of linguistic context in the meanings attached to particular racial/ethnic labels.
INTRODUCTION. 'A Mexican I would say is someone from south of the border ... but mexicano could be someone here in the valley' .--Tomas, respondent in Mission, Texas.
Persons of Mexican-origin in the United States may adopt an array of racial/ ethnic labels including MEXICAN, MEXICANO/A, MEXICAN AMERICAN, CHICANO/A, LATINO/A, HISPANIC, and TEJANO/A. The wealth of identity labels used by persons of Mexican ancestry reflects the heterogeneity of this group. Persons of Mexican ancestry residing in the U.S. represent a diverse group that includes recent immigrants, children or grandchildren of immigrants, and the descendents of Mexicans living in the Southwest when the land was taken from Mexico. In addition, regional histories influence the development of identity labels that vary considerably by state and local context (Anzaldua 1987, Montejano 1987, Acuna 1988, Foley 1997).
Language is integrally linked to the ways in which people both construct and interpret their environment. Differential labeling can create boundaries between groups, while asserting a shared identity can be a powerfully unifying force (Cornell & Hartmann 1998). The development of Chicanismo, for example, helped to unite Mexican persons in the United States behind a revolutionary ideology of empowerment that brought about social change (Acuna 1988, Garcia 1996). Language and labels are at the foundation of such social movements, as self-definition is key to any identity-based rights movement. Yet, despite the connection between language and identity politics, very little research has explored the linguistic context of identity labels.
This study focuses on the ways in which identity labels are transformed in translation, dependent upon to whom one is speaking and in what language. While much scholarship has explored the topic of racial/ethnic labeling among Mexican Americans, most research on the topic has utilized quantitative survey data (Garcia 1981, Portes & MacLeod 1996). These studies typically ask respondents for a single racial/ethnic identifier and explore the various factors associated with selecting a label. While providing valuable input on how labeling practices vary by state, nativity, generational status, class, age, and gender, these large-scale surveys are typically not able to examine the ways in which persons use multiple labels in daily life. Only a few quantitative studies have examined the use of multiple identifiers (Hurtado, Gurin, & Peng 1994). Furthermore, most studies do not ask persons to define labels and the specific contexts in which they might use them. Also, studies often assume that labels translate (that mexicano and Mexican hold the same meaning, for example) and collapse these categories in analysis.
As a qualitative exploration of Mexican American labeling in a specific region, this paper explores the linguistic context of label use, and the meaning that is lost in translation for those scholars of identity not attuned to these nuances. This research focuses specifically on persons of Mexican ancestry who reside in Texas, which is home to twenty-five percent of persons of Mexican ancestry in the U.S. (Guzman 2001). I have chosen the term MEXICAN AMERICAN to refer to these respondents. As a scholar who focuses on variations in racial/ethnic labeling, selecting a term for general use in a paper poses potential problems, as I do not wish to impose a singular label on all of my respondents. However, clarity of writing necessitates that I choose some term to identify the focus of this study. Because the project explores the identities of persons specifically of Mexican ancestry, the use of a label such as Latino or Hispanic, both of which may include persons of other ancestries, would not be appropriate here. And the label Mexican, which I will be discussing in detail, was not a term used as a self-referent by the majority of my respondents, who typically preferred Hispanic or Mexican American. Thus, I have...
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