...and conducted by middlemen and micro-scale retailers. In this paper, I will discuss how newly created urban social relationships and knowledge of urban life, both function to sustain this unstable credit transaction, which balances social norms with economic profit. In conclusion, I will insist that the norms of reciprocity are not incongruous with economic rationality. The flexible "moral economy" does not require a rigid community or set of conventional norms. It can take effect in fellowships in which people trick each other, yet at the same time build mutual trust. The Mali Kauli transaction is a creative practice of the Machinga.

INTRODUCTION

The economic liberalization of Tanzania since the mid-1980s has brought a rapid influx of imports to Tanzania. These imports, including second-hand clothes, have opened new economic opportunities for the urban poor and vitalized the small-scale commercial sector. Machinga are the street traders and hawkers selling these imported goods. The term Machinga is derived from the two English words: 'marching' and 'guys'. [1] The numbers of Machinga are increasing at a rapid rate. For example, Ngware estimated their number in Dar es Salaam at 85,000 in 1995. [2] Although no official figures are available for the present, one can assume that this number has increased several fold in the past ten years.

The purpose of this study is to examine the social networks and the historical change of the business practices of Machinga by analyzing a unique transaction called Mali Kauli in the trade of second hand clothes in Mwanza city. The Mali Kauli transaction is a unique credit transaction conducted by middlemen and micro-scale retailers. Although Mali Kauli is profitable to both kinds of merchants, its sustainability does not rest on economic benefit alone. While middlemen do enjoy economic dominance, playing the role of patrons, they build horizontal personal relationships with retailers that do not necessarily correspond to the principles of neo-classical economics.

Economic anthropologists and political scientists have investigated these personal economic relationships embedded in society, using concepts such as the "economy of affection" or "moral economy". [3] The majority of pioneering work referring to this type of economy has focused on peasant societies. They have emphasized the existence of "the norm of reciprocity" and "the right to subsistence" in such societies.

Previous urban studies in Africa have pointed to the existence of "economy of affection" or "moral economy" in the informal sector. [4] Several authors argue that entrepreneurs in the urban informal sector are caught between supporting their rural relatives while at the same time trying to make ends meet in the city. Many promising informal sector entrepreneurs cannot achieve effective capital investment and expansion of their business as they find it very hard to reject requests for assistance. [5] So not surprisingly, some studies have argued that to be successful, entrepreneurs in the informal sector should abandon their "affection" to their rural brethren or others making claims on their resources and instead create modern business relationships. [6]

Studies of moral economy call into question the validity of development as a linear process from tradition to modernity. Ueda insists on the need to study how reciprocal norms are maintained by the social logic of a moral economy, and how individual entrepreneurs manipulate both the social logic and personal needs as the situation demands. [7] In this paper, I will explore Ueda's points through an examination of Mali Kauli transactions.

In the current globalizing situation in which movements of people, things, and information accelerate, a dichotomic model of global and local economies no longer makes sense. The critical edge of anthropology, emanating from anti-essentialism, has corroded the very theoretical premises of moral economy: the analytic concepts of culture, customs, norms, and community as their functional totality, all gave way to views that these are mere political, social and ideological constructs associated with various forms of power. If local cultures and traditions are mere constructs with no original substance, and if community boundaries are too fluid and ambiguous to serve analytical purposes, then do such views contradict the sheer existence of a moral economy? If we reject morality thinking, that is, a discussion about what is and isn't good in the way people treat one another, then we deny ourselves any grounds from which we can criticize preexisting, unequal sociopolitical arrangements. [8]

This paper aims to present a more flexible version of moral economy, which manifests in traders' attempts to sustain human ties amidst the irreversible deluge of global capitalism--a moral economy which allows us to appreciate the diverse moral sentiments underpinning a rich array of practices, without reducing them within simplifying dichotomies of selfishness and altruism, economic rationality and social norms.

The data for this paper were collected from my research in Mwanza city, the second largest city in Tanzania with about 620,000 people situated at the southern tip of Lake Victoria. [9] I conducted my first research phase using participant observation for about 10 months from September 2001 to June 2002. As a second phase for nine months between November 2003 and July 2004, I have conducted interviews with 300 merchants on their life history and the changes in their business practices since the 1970s.

THE MALI KAULI TRANSACTION

The Trade of Second-hand Clothes in Mwanza City

The merchants who participate in the trade of second-hand clothes in Mwanza can be categorized into three groups: wholesalers, middlemen, and retailers. The second-hand clothes are being brought in by wholesale traders. The Mali Kauli transaction, on which I focus in this paper, is conducted between middlemen and retailers.

First, I define these merchants and describe their economic activities. Wholesalers are defined as those who import the bales from international recycling agencies and sell them to middlemen. Second-hand clothes are gathered from general households by charity organizations and volunteer associations and are then transferred to recycling agencies. These agencies classify the second-hand clothes by items such as shirts, jackets, dresses and so on, and wrap each kind in vinyl sheeting and iron bands. [10] The blocks of clothes wrapped with vinyl sheeting are called bales. One bale includes 200-1,000 pieces depending on the kind of clothes. Wholesalers sell them to middlemen in their shops.

Middlemen are defined as those who purchase bales from wholesalers and sell them item by item to retailers. In Mwanza, there is Mlango Mmoja, a permanent market, where 350 stalls of second-hand clothes are established. Most middlemen open the bales in this market. Retailers are defined as those who purchase the second-hand clothes from middlemen and sell them to consumers. Retailers can be sub-classified into stall-keepers, small-street traders, hawkers, and rural market traders.

In Mwanza there are 18 wholesaler shops. The managers and the employees of these shops are estimated to be about 30 persons. The estimates for middlemen and retailers are: 200 and 4,000, respectively. Most wholesalers are Indian and Pakistani traders, while middlemen and retailers are predominantly African. Wholesalers need capital of at least US$20,000 to import bales, manage the shops and obtain business license. Middlemen purchase an average of 7 bales, twice a week, with an average capital of US$1,000. The smallest middlemen,...

NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.



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