...that wealth of talents will propel these adolescents to automatic life success, and the unique needs of this population can go unmet. This article considers the complexity of challenges facing gifted young women, presents current and potential interventions, and encourages integrating developmental and constructivist theories with objectivist techniques. Implications for practitioners and future research suggestions are highlighted.

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Gifted students exhibiting multipotentiality frequently receive the social messages that decree they can "have it all" and "be anything" they want to be. These seemingly encouraging dicta can discourage and overwhelm some gifted individuals, especially if compounded by an internalized notion that they should also be "the best" at whatever they choose. Parents and educators alike may mistakenly presume that these students will excel in life based on their talents alone. In schools especially, nonacademic needs receive only nominal attention (Fredrickson, 1986; Kelly, 1996; Mitchell, Levin, & Krumboltz, 1999; Perrone, 1997), and this population is likely to be ill-served (Robinson, 2002) or underserved in counseling contexts (Ambrose, Allen, & Huntley, 1994; Kerr & Ghrist-Priebe, 1988). Plainly, gifted students as a whole do not receive their fair share of attention (Colangelo, 2002). Sometimes counselors fail to recognize that blessings can become a curse for these individuals, and without essential guidance and support, gifted students are at risk to underachieve, overextend, and succumb to personal and societal pressures. Gifted girls seem to be especially vulnerable. Despite some progress, as an aggregate, they still lag behind their male counterparts in occupational status and achievement (Arnold, 1993; Kaufmann, 1981; Kerr, 1985) and attainment of traditional preeminence (Callahan, Cunningham, & Plucker, 1994; Reis, 1998). Frequently, they become "adult underachievers" (Reis & Callahan, 1989, p. 102), which may have profound consequences for their self-concept, their health, and their future.

The American achievement ideology can exacerbate this phenomenon (Ford & Harris, 1992). Gifted students, who subscribe to the belief that hard work always pays off and later fail to meet their personal or familial expectations, may criticize themselves as lazy, feel guilty, or discount their talents. Plus, the ethos of achievement in American culture often presses young students to achieve, achieve, achieve with little time to reflect or to develop motivation beyond accruing accomplishments that others deem worthy. On the other hand, gifted students may underachieve out of boredom, fear of failure or success, or perceived social repercussions (Kaplan & Geoffroy, 1993). To combat "achievement for achievement's sake," thwart overextension, eradicate disappointments accompanying underachievement, and prevent mental health problems, an integration of developmental and constructivist approaches, using positivistic techniques, may be warranted in the career and life education of gifted young women.

Although growing in general, literature aimed directly at the gifted adolescent population is sparse (Leung, 1998; Noble, 1992). Likewise, mounting interest in constructivism as a career theory has not permeated this arena yet. Thus, an examination of the characteristics of gifted female adolescents, a consideration of integrating constructivist and developmental theories, and a presentation of the potential utility of interventions that fit into this theoretical context follow and suggest that career counseling is a crucial mechanism in meeting the distinct needs of this population.

Population Characteristics

Although definitions of giftedness vary widely and have recently become inclusive of both intelligence and creativity, giftedness is a term generally reserved for individuals with well-above-average intellectual capabilities. The degrees of giftedness vary from academically talented (approximately 16% of the population) to highly gifted (0.007%), based on intelligence measures (Sanderlin & Lundy, 1979); nonetheless, intellectual and creative abilities often enable students to find success in many arenas. The term multipotentiality (Fredrickson & Rothney, 1972), then, originally surfaced to express a gifted individual's ability to choose from and thrive in a variety of careers (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Some researchers (Herr, 1976; Milgram, 1989) allow for the fact that a few extremely gifted or talented individuals may not be multidimensional, but most of the gifted population is generally considered to demonstrate this feature (Badolato, 1998). This construct tends to increase among college-bound and college students, the primary focus of this review (Kerr & Colangelo, 1988; Kerr & Erb, 1991). With the growing number of viable career opportunities in general, the implications of multipotentiality for young gifted students exponentially expand.

Considerable literature reflects the growing interest in meeting the career needs of academically gifted students, and it has been documented extensively and for decades that many highly capable students are plagued by career indecision (Hollingsworth, 1926; Jespen, 1981; Karnes & Oehler-Stinnett, 1986; Kerr, 1981; Perrone, Male, & Karshner, 1979; Schatz, 1999). Too often, internal and external pressures coupled with viable options paralyze these young people. Decision-making difficulty may be magnified for multitalented individuals who view making a choice as relinquishing other possibilities (Leung & Conoley, 1994; Perrone et al., 1979). This "overchoice syndrome" threatens the career and life course of very talented youth (Rysiew, Shore, & Carson, 1994). One longitudinal study of Presidential Scholars confirmed that this lack of direction can manifest itself as vacillation in choosing a college major or in delayed career choice, both with implications that follow these bright students well into their adult lives (Kaufmann, 1983). In some cases, gifted students fail to elect a career at all and remain as "professional students" where success is practically assured (Perrone et al., 1979). Because these students display not only an array of abilities but, more remarkably, an array of sincere interests, they pose unique challenges for counselors.

Traditional trait-factor approaches to career exploration and decision making may be inadequate for the gifted population. For example, assessment instruments based primarily on interests tend to yield an undifferentiated profile and offer little guidance for students whose results indicate an interest in a variety of careers (Kerr, 1981). This detail is important for gifted young women in particular, because gifted young men more often present a differentiated profile, highlighting distinct interests (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Traditional assessment inventories administered at grade level may also be overly general and wholly inappropriate (Kerr & Sodano, 2003). Just like these students respond better to accelerated challenges in the classroom, they may benefit from deeper and more holistic approaches to life planning.

Although the gifted population is diverse, some commonalities of the group emerge. Karnes and Oehler-Stinnett (1986) compared anxiety levels regarding career decisions, social status, and achievement of both gifted and nongifted youth and discovered that gifted individuals experienced higher stress levels than did their nongifted peers. In addition to amplified stress, Hawkins (1997) noted research that shows that many gifted students score as intuitive types on the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Myers & McCaulley, 1985 [Delbridge-Parker & Robinson, 1989; Mills, 1983]). Gifted students also tend to be more introspective (Winner, 1996). In a study of 1,725 gifted adolescents, Gallagher (1990) compared the results with a general population of high school students and found that highly talented students (75%) prefer intuitive ("N") characteristics versus a 32% preference in the general population. These findings have been corroborated in numerous studies (see Hawkins, 1997), most notably with Rhodes Scholars (93%), Phi Beta Kappa members (76%), and National Merit Finalists (82%) showing a strong preference for intuitive characteristics (MacDaid, McCaulley, & Kainz, 1986). Also, highly intelligent youth often present high degrees of emotionality and sensitivity, which may compound typical adolescent problems (Piechowski, 1997).

Researchers have documented the mental health vulnerabilities of some of the gifted population. Although many gifted people are well-adjusted (Swiatek, 1995), nearly 25% have some difficulties (Dalzell, 1998). For example, many gifted students are susceptible to low self-concepts (Kerr & Sodano, 2003) and demonstrate characteristics of perfectionism (Orange, 1997; Roedell, 1984; Roeper, 1982; Silverman, 1995). Perfectionism and its accompanying difficulties have been cited as a counseling concern in this population (Kerr, 1991; Schuler, 2000; Webb, Meckstroth, & Tolan, 1982). Although this emotional trait likely conveys some benefits for high-achieving students (Roedell, 1984; Schuler, 2000; Silverman, 1995), much research presents it as inimical, because it has the ability to impede optimum functioning (e.g., Adderholdt-Elliott, 1991; Schuler, 2000). One study assessing perfectionism in gifted and talented students enrolled in a rural middle school found that a full 87.5% of these students exhibited perfectionistic characteristics (Schuler, 2000). This finding confirms another large, well-designed study that detected perfectionism in 89% of a sample of gifted and honors high school students (Orange, 1997). Most notably, this latter 89% scored in the highest two categories of perfectionism: 58% functioned in obsessive-compulsive ways in some areas and 31% demonstrated obsessive-compulsive patterns that were a serious problem (Raudsepp, 1988, as cited in Orange, 1997). Accordingly, gifted...

NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.



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