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...prompting in power and weakening the capacity for action of trade unions. In such a context, so the palaver goes, trade unions have no choice but to accept the constraints imposed by the new economy. Several indicators seem to confirm this diagnosis: a sharp decline in union density, notably in Australia, the United States, France and the United Kingdom, a reduction of the union members' interest in traditional union values, growing difficulty in mobilizing workers, obstacles to unionization in sectors where employment is expanding, etc.
If this narrative occupies a growing portion in the industrial relations literature, it does not dominate it completely. Alternative narratives take as a starting point the many innovations in trade union circles that act as a counterweight to this deterministic and fatalistic vision. These narratives suggest that trade unions are not powerless when confronted with the challenges of the new economy. The accounts stress the need for trade unions to diversify their strategies and to mobilize new resources to increase their power (Dufour and Hege, 2002; Levesque and Murray, 2002). During the post-war period (1945-75), the presence of experienced negotiators and lawyers, coupled with financial and institutional stability, enabled trade unions to be major players in the political economy; nowadays unions can rely on the old verities no longer and must be more creative and proactive to build their strength.
Hence, the extent of the "crisis of unionism" appears inextricably related to the innovation and the experimentation undertaken in the labour movement. Various options present themselves, as illustrated by an increasing body of empirical research (Frege and Kelly, 2004; Milkman and Voss, 2004; Turner, Katz and Hurd, 2001). The decline of the rate of unionization in several countries has forced trade unions to devote more resources to organizing new members and, in several cases, to develop innovative organizing practices (Bronfenbrenner et al., 1998; Fairbrother and Yates, 2003). Centralized strategies, based on union "servicing," are yielding to approaches that are more decentralized, based on community, and drawing on more inclusive agendas (Fantasia and Voss, 2004). These links to the community also manifest themselves in the creation of alliances with different social groups, around larger issues, such as safeguarding essential services, protecting the environment, and fighting privatization (Frege and Kelly, 2004). We are witnessing the integration of new generations of activists, as well as the development of more inclusive agendas, which take into account the concerns of new groups. The relocation strategies of multinational corporations also encourage unions to build alliances with other unions around the world, between northern unions and with those of the South. These alliances can take a variety of forms, from the creation of spaces for social dialogue to campaigns against large corporations (Herod, 2002; Lillie, 2004).
After more than two decades of research on union renewal, many questions are still left unanswered. How can trade unions ensure the coordination of transnational actions at the same time as the representation of workers' interests at the local level, without creating inter-union competition? Can unions create alliances with other civil society groups, while reconciling often divergent interests? Are trade unions capable of representing the diversity of identities in the workplace, without undermining internal cohesion? In the context of globalization, can trade unions win the struggle over workers' identity against employers who use paternalistic management practices and seek to promote the idea of a perfect fit between their interests and those of the workers?
With these questions in mind and to try to build bridges between the most current academic research on labour and employment issues and the ongoing...
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