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...religious beliefs leisure behavior of specific religious groups are scarce, focus almost solely on Christianity, and result primarily from the work of a single researcher (Heintzman, 1987, 1994; Heintzman & Van Andel, 1995; Ibrahim, 1982). This is quite unexpected, given the sustained interest in the issues of religion, including Islam, among sport researchers (Daiman, 1995; Eisen, 1999; Hargreaves, 2000; Hoffman, 1992; Sfeir, 1985; Zaman, 1997). In fact, in reference to leisure and sport, Eisen (1999) commented, "The fact that religious philosophies and attitudes have something to do with how we view and administer our leisure activities through history is one of the best-kept secrets of modern sport scholarship" (p. 231). Although not in contexts specifically related to leisure, anthropologists and psychologists have also examined the relationship between religion and social behavior (Howard, 1986; Spilka, Hood, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 2003). Psychologists have suggested that religion permeates not only the individual's psyche, but also his or her social and cultural spheres of life (Spilka et al., 2003). Anthropologists, on the other hand, have asserted that religion is thick with meaning and symbolism that can affect one's social environment through activities such as ritual where one is connected with the supernatural (Howard, 1986).
In his 1987 overview of the current trends in research on the relationship between religion and leisure, Kelly noted that one might relate religion to leisure in three distinct ways. First, religious observance may be considered as a form of leisure activity since it involves use of free time with positive anticipated outcomes. Second, when one takes into account the history of conflict involving religious institutions and certain "undesired" recreation patterns, religion may be viewed as being in conflict with leisure (see Clark & Critcher, 1985; Cross, 1990). Third, religion may be considered a form of leisure in the form of contemplation or spiritual pursuit that is intended to "enhance the spiritual lives of devotees" (Kelly, 1987, p. 164). One may argue that although such links are certainly important, there exists a whole spectrum of ways in which religion and leisure intersect that have been hardly subject to any scientific inquiry. Leisure activities centered around the church, organized by the church, using church premises and funds, undertaken in the company of fellow church goers, and with the religious intent in mind have not been tackled in the contemporary leisure literature. Moreover, analysis of the influence that religious beliefs have on people's leisure participation is still lacking.
Although little is known about the effect of religious beliefs on the leisure of the general population, even less research is devoted to the leisure behavior of ethno-religious minorities in the United States. In addition to being non-mainstream in North America, such religious beliefs are often associated with populations that occupy marginalized positions in society and consequently deserve special attention on the part of leisure researchers. In this study we focus on this absent area of inquiry--the effects of religious beliefs (Islam) on leisure behavior of people of the Middle Eastern, South Asian, and Northern African background.
Currently, there are between 6 to 9 million Muslims in the U.S., residing mainly in California, New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Indiana, and Michigan (Hasan, 2001; U.S. Department of State, 2001). About 78% are immigrants (U.S. Department of State, 2001). Islam has between 700 million and 1.2 billion followers worldwide (ReligiousTolerance.org, 2003) and is based on two fundamental beliefs. Muslims must submit to one God, Allah, and believe that Muhammad is God's last and greatest prophet who revealed God's final and complete revelations (Jameela, 1967). Muslims are not a homogenous group of believers as Islam has two main sects--Sunnism and Shi'ism, each with different ideological tendencies (see Hasan, 2001 for a thorough discussion of the topic). Regardless of the ideological divisions within the Islamic faith, most scholars believe that Islam is a way of life that includes all aspects of living, social behavior and conduct (Sfeir, 1985). Muslims are collectivistic in nature, emphasize the primary role of family in their life, prohibit consumption of alcohol or drugs, promote self control, and stress the need to pray five times a day (Hasan, 2001; Jameela, 1967).
According to Ibrahim (1982), Islam does not have an official stance on leisure, although religious texts such as the Hadith and the Qur'an suggest a favorable attitude toward free time activities. There are three specific pastimes, namely swimming, shooting, and horse-back riding, that have been mentioned in the Hadith. Moreover, Muhammad is reported to have been racing with his wife. These verses have inspired many Muslims to participate in similar leisure activities (Ibrahim, 1982). The Qur'an also makes references to health and instructs Muslims to take special care of their bodies (Walseth & Fasting, 2003). Although existing studies reported that leisure activities in which Muslims engage in, such as socializing or watching TV, are similar to those of the mainstream Americans (Ibrahim, 1982), very little is known about the effect of Islam on leisure attitudes, leisure styles, and leisure motivations of Muslims.
The objective of this paper is to examine the influence of religion on leisure behavior of Muslim immigrants in the United States. The concepts of ethnic resilience and selective acculturation provide a theoretical foundation for this study. Ethnic resilience is used to analyze the place of religion in the everyday life of immigrants and its effect on leisure behavior of interviewed Muslims, while selective acculturation is used to frame the often conflicting influences of traditional ethnic and modern American values on their lives.
Literature Review
The literature on leisure behavior of Muslims is very scarce. A series of studies conducted in the United Kingdom in the mid 1980s examined school lives and after school activities of South Asian teens (Carrington, Chievers, & Williams, 1987; Glyptis, 1985; Taylor & Hegarty, 1985). The results of this work suggest that South Asian girls were constrained in their leisure pursuits by the lack of parental approval, strict dress codes, inadequate availability of single-sex facilities, and their religious beliefs. Their leisure activities were mostly home-oriented and centered around their extended families. Similar results were obtained by Tirone (1999, 2000) and by Tirone and Pedlar (2000) in their study that included a sample of second generation South Asian Muslim teens residing in Canada. Tirone and her colleagues observed that young Muslim women spent much of their free time with parents and siblings and stressed the central role of family in other aspects of their life. According to Tirone (2000), membership in South Asian social clubs was central to the continuity of their religious traditions and provided activities for children and teens such as sports, dances, and festivals. Parents encouraged their children to participate in activities organized by ethnic clubs, which constituted an appropriate social environment for teens to meet people of similar religious and cultural backgrounds and thus lowered their chances of developing friendships outside of their ethnic community.
Leisure behavior of Muslim immigrants to the U.S. has usually been described in reference to the experiences of Arab Americans. As Abu Laban and Abu-Laban (1999) described, one of the popular forms of recreation among Arab Canadian youth was watching TV. Their research showed that constant exposure of immigrant teenagers to the American mass media has made them aware of the negative stereotypes of the Arab culture deeply imbedded in Western societies. It has also been suggested that watching television and other sedentary activities become more predominant in the lives of Arabs after immigration (Hassoun, 1999).
Researchers have speculated that the collectivistic culture of Arabs creates significant tensions when confronted with the more independent family organization typical to the American society (Abu-Laban & Abu-Laban, 1999). Despite these differences, Arab families have been shown to maintain the collectivistic and family-centered relationships over successive generations. Triandis (1995) suggested that collectivistic cultures, such as the one shared by Arabs, display certain unique characteristics. Group needs have priority over individual needs, people define themselves in terms of their group, they emphasize relationships (regardless of whether they are deemed as positive or negative), and focus on norms and appropriate behaviors pertaining to that specific group.
Theoretical Background
A majority of studies on ethnic minorities in leisure contexts has utilized assimilation theory to model the behavior change among the newcomers (Floyd & Gramann, 1993, 1995; Stodolska, 1998). The assimilationist perspective, however, has undergone much critique and has been significantly revised since the publication of the Assimilation in American Life (Gordon, 1964). Among other criticisms (see Alba & Nee, 1997 and Portes & Rumbaut, 1996 for an extensive discussion of the topic), it was claimed that it failed to acknowledge the existence of sacred and secular ethnic cultures and that it did not distinguish between religious groups, such as Jews, and national groups, such as Italians and Poles (Gans, 1979, 1994). Gans (1979) argued that assimilation affects both the sacred and secular cultures; however it affects the latter more than the former. Moreover, the rate of assimilation among ethno-religious minorities is slower than among ethnic groups defined by their national origin. In 1994, Gans proposed that ethnic and religious acculturation should be treated differently and that such distinctions would particularly apply to post-1965 immigrant groups, such as Muslims. The differences between the rate of religious and ethnic acculturation were thought to stem from several characteristics of ethno-religious minorities. First, while ethnic groups were loosely organized, ethno-religious groups were usually dominated by formally organized denominations. Second, in North America religiosity is a private activity that requires no affiliation comparable to the one required by ethnicity. Third, the declining importance of religious affiliation as an indicator of prestige and as a symbol of class position had reduced the need for conversion. Lastly, in subsequent generations, religious affiliation may take symbolic forms in which "consumption of religious symbols" (p. 585) may not create any complications or barriers to dominant lifestyles.
Not only was the soundness of the concept of assimilation criticized in the 1980s and 1990s, but some authors went as far as postulating the need for a complete abandonment of the notion and for reformulating the field of ethnic and migration studies. According to Portes (1984), the new paradigm shifted the focus of study from assimilation to ethnic identification, ethnic consciousness, and ethnic solidarity. This alternative approach identified ethnic resilience, "a mixture of the awareness of racial and cultural differences and the social solidarity based on them" (p. 384), as an important component of the experience of post-1965 immigrants. Portes juxtaposed the notions of "full assimilation" and "ethnic awareness," defined as the "perception by members of a minority of the social distance separating them from the dominant group and the existence of discrimination based on racial or cultural differences" (p. 384). He argued, in direct opposition to ethnic group awareness, fully assimilated minorities are characterized by a sense of equity and the belief that one can freely mingle with anyone else in the society. Factors such as education, knowledge of English, lack of racial distinctiveness, high occupational status, and "information about the U.S. society" reduce the salience of ethnicity.
In 1987, Keefe and Padilla put forth a theory of selective acculturation. Based on the findings of their study on the cultural change among Mexican-Americans, they concluded that "no single continuum of acculturation and assimilation emerges from [the] study" (p. 189). Ethnic minority members were found to acculturate, but this process proved to be selective. Immigrants adopted certain strategic traits of the mainstream culture that facilitated their adjustment to the American society but, at the same time, retained some of their ethnic cultural characteristics ensuring long-term survival of the group. As a result, the subsequent generations of Chicanos spoke the English language and were well adapted to life in the U.S., yet retained their traditional food, music, strong family relations, and leisure preferences. In the context of leisure studies, selective acculturation theory was employed by Gramann et al. (1993) and by Shaull and Gramann (1998). Shaull and Gramann examined the effect of selective acculturation on the importance of nature-related and family-oriented experiences in outdoor recreation to Mexican Americans....
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