...from treating individuals as acting independently of each other to examining the centrality of social networks in the decision-making process. Social network approaches view behaviors enacted by an individual as embedded in a social process in which interactions among and between individuals are not only influencing preference and defining the situation but also driving the process of deciding whether something is wrong, whether anything can be done about it, what should be done, and how it should be evaluated (Pescosolido, 1992). How people come to accept or adopt a certain behavior is viewed as a process of social influence and learning more than as individual action. What happens at the family level is, therefore, the result of a wider social process that is initiated, negotiated, and agreed upon within social networks.

Kenya has experienced a rapid and puzzling fertility decline without any appreciable economic progress. This change is not consistent with the arguments of demographic transition theory, which posits that economic development is responsible for demographic change. On the other hand, an examination of individual characteristics and their perceptions, as argued by the demand theories of fertility change as the main factors that propel this extraordinary social process, does not appear to explain the substantial changes in fertility that are independent of economic resources.

Social network theory overcomes the limitation of both individual- and structural-based theories because it appreciates the interpersonal connections that may influence a person's behavior. Decisions to limit one's family size do not occur in a vacuum. They are made within a context. It is through the "community" represented by social networks that people assess whether the change in behavior being undertaken is acceptable or not. Thus, as Lin (2001) has argued, the resources embedded in social networks structure both the flow of information and influence upon those who are linked to them. The network processes dealt with in this article are similar to the effects of networks in providing impetus for more healthful habits of living (Berkman, Glass, Brissette, & Seeman, 2000). In the case of family-planning adoption, this perspective would argue that in the course of their daily lives people are confronted with information that defines children as burdensome. They hear their neighbors, relatives, or friends talk about the pros and cons of having many children and at the same time are able to see how well people with similar socioeconomic characteristics, but with fewer children, are living. These daily encounters with other people help to clarify and to provide meaning to puzzling or uncertain situations. As a result, people are likely to behave like those with whom they interact.

A further elaboration of how social networks may influence contraceptive behavior was developed by Montgomery and Casterline (1996), who applied social learning and social influence to their assessment of family-planning decision-making. Social learning occurs when individuals provide information to others regarding innovations or technologies and the consequences of certain decisions. Through social interaction information about family upbringing, cost of living, and other related issues is discussed. In this way individuals not only get new information about the effects of the changing socioeconomic environment but also evaluate that information before acting on it (Bongaarts & Watkins, 1996). Social influence, on the other hand, occurs when certain players within the society impose certain constraints on the behaviors of others through the exercise of authority vested in social norms. Social influence feeds off networks that use the force of tradition to maintain the status quo. The influence is through structural inequality erected by society to dominate certain groups, such as women. However, as people start embracing new ideas, the conservative nature starts to disappear, and people start interacting with more diverse and heterogeneous populations (Kohler et al., 2001). Social influence may impede or enable adoption and practice of family-planning methods. This behavior occurs because interpersonal connections are influential in shaping individual's behavior, which is seen as being embedded in interrelationships that condition them to engage in particular behaviors in particular contexts. People do not usually act in isolated ways; rather their behavior follows a fairly predictable pattern conditioned by the relationship they have with others with whom they regularly interact. Such ties with others are critical in understanding whether an individual receives models for and encouragement for carrying out a given behavior or not. It is through the resources embedded in social networks that individuals attach meaning to their situations and are able to determine an appropriate course of action (Lin, 2001).

There is a growing corpus of literature on the role of social networks in reproductive change. Most of these studies have demonstrated the power of social networks in influencing fertility behavior. Networks were found to be influential in contraception adoption in one community in rural Kenya (Kohler et al., 2001). Having ties outside one's environment was critical in increasing use of contraception in Thailand (Godley, 2001), as was membership in voluntary organizations in Cameroon (Valente, Watkins, Jato, Straten, & Tsitsol, 1997). Those previous studies suggest that more localized and direct ties, or less localized and more indirect ties, may serve as a mechanism for influencing people's perception about children and fertility control. Recent network research has suggested that closed and denser ties, as well as indirect ties that involve more dispersed groups such as departments in large firms, may both influence and enable more information to be obtained by people who have either type of interconnectedness (Burt, 2001). Although recent studies show that social networks are important in influencing reproductive behavior (Godley, 2001; Kohler et al., 2001; Valente et al., 1997), little is known about the impact that communication with significant others has on use of contraception. This article addresses the question of whether and how family members, in-laws, community opinion leaders, health personnel, and friends influence the use of contraception.

The importance of significant others in determining demographic behavior was clearly illustrated by Caldwell and Caldwell's (1987) research in Nigeria, which showed the importance of cultural imperatives in maintaining high levels of fertility. They noted that high fertility enjoyed both community and divine approval. As such, the locus of fertility decision-making was not found within the conjugal family unit; rather, it was encapsulated within the larger social system. It was mired in the extended family, clan, and the larger community, which left the nuclear family relatively powerless in the fertility decision-making process (Caldwell & Caldwell, 1987; Frank & McNicoll, 1987).

With the recent availability of social networks data in demography, the role of significant others in influencing use of contraception is being recognized. In Mali interacting with conjugal kin was found to impact the number of children ever born and use of contraception. Moreover, networks located outside the village, mothers-in-law, nonfamilial older women, and natal kin encouraged the use of contraception. Younger women were discouraged from using contraception by conjugal kin but were encouraged by nonkin networks located outside their immediate area of residence (Madhavan, Adams, & Simon, 2003). Godley (2001) noted that having more external kinship ties did influence the use of pills and injectables. Kinship ties located outside the village brought in new and innovative information that was important in enhancing contraceptive use. Boulay and Valente (1999) also found similar results for Kenya, although their data set was not amenable to a social network analysis. They confirmed only that communication with significant others has some influence on demographic behavior. Communication with other members of the society might provide a sense of change, soften strongly held beliefs, and enable fertility behavior to be modified. Studies such as that of Hollerbach (1980) show that the way couples interact with kin, neighbors, peers, community leaders, health professionals, and state authorities has a bearing...

NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.



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