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Article Excerpt
Achievement goal theory asserts that variations in behavior will occur when individuals use different goals in an achievement setting (Ames, 1984; Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984, 1989). There are two major tenets of achievement goal theory. The first tenet is that in achievement settings, people want to demonstrate competence and feel successful (Ames, 1992b; Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984, 1989). The second tenet of achievement goal theory is that different goals--task and ego--operate in achievement environments and they influence individuals' definitions of success and judgments of competence. Task-oriented individuals base competence on self-referenced standards, while ego-oriented individuals base judgments of competence on normative standards or social comparison (Nicholls, 1984, 1989).
Past research on achievement goal theory has focused on how individuals with differing goal orientations behave relative to various psychological factors, including motivation, persistence, and effort (e.g., Duda, 1999; Horn, Duda, & Miller, 1993; Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993; Treasure & Roberts, 1994). Specifically, task-oriented individuals often exhibit productive behaviors (e.g., exerting effort), while ego-oriented individuals tend to exhibit counter-productive behaviors (e.g., avoiding practice). While this knowledge is insightful and helpful in understanding sport behaviors, little research has addressed the influence of significant others in developing, sustaining, or changing these goals. The current study sought to examine how the goal orientations of female softball players changed due to perceptions of the environment created by their coaches and parents.
Achievement goal theory proposes that goal orientations are developed and altered through various socialization processes, including the motivational climate created by parents and coaches (Nicholls, 1989). Motivational climate reflects the salient features of an environment that create a task or ego oriented goal structure (Ames & Archer, 1988). The motivational climate will reflect the actions of coaches and parents, such as their use of rewards, punishments, and feedback (Ames, 1992). Goal structures emphasizing personal improvement create a task climate, while goal structures emphasizing social comparison and interpersonal competition create an ego climate. Sport psychology researchers have been interested in how coaches and parents provide information regarding success and failure to athletes resulting in the motivational climate.
Research examining the coach-initiated motivational climate revealed that perceptions of a task motivational climate is related to many constructive achievement behaviors, and perceptions of a ego motivational climate may be related to many counter-productive achievement behaviors. For example, perceptions of a task climate in high school girls and boys were associated with greater effort exerted, greater enjoyment, greater satisfaction with the team, lower performance worry, and the belief that success is achieved through effort (Seifriz, Duda, & Chi, 1992; Walling, Duda, & Chi, 1993). Perceptions of an ego climate were associated with greater levels of performance worry, less satisfaction with the team, and the belief that natural ability leads to success. Additionally, Ommudsen, Roberts, and Kavussanu (1998) found that perceptions of an ego climate were related to avoiding practice, and the belief that sport was a means to enhance social status and recognition. When sport is a means to enhance social status, it often leads to winning at all costs and potentially resulting in cheating and poor sport conduct.
The influence of parents on athletes' achievement behaviors has not been studied as extensively as coaches. Duda and Horn (1993) examined children's goal orientation, parents' goal orientation and the perceptions children had of the goal orientation of their parents. The findings showed that children high in task orientation perceived their parents to be high in task orientation and children high in ego orientation perceived their parents to be high in ego orientation; however, the self-reported goal orientation of the parents did not correlate to the self-reported goal orientations of their children. From this finding, the authors suggested that it is the child's perception of her parents' goal orientation that is important, rather than the parents' actual goal orientation. In this vein, White (1996) found that the goal orientations of adolescent females were related to perceptions of the parent-initiated motivational climate. Specifically, perceptions of a parent climate emphasizing learning and enjoyment were related to athletes' task orientation and perceptions of a parent climate emphasizing success without effort predicted ego orientation. Together, these studies indicate that parents' definition of success and what behaviors they deem salient influence an athlete's goal orientation.
Nicholls (1984, 1989) argued that if individuals are in an...
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