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Contesting the myth of the 'wicked stepmother': narrative analysis of an online stepfamily support group.

Publication: Western Journal of Communication
Publication Date: 01-JAN-05
Format: Online - approximately 10815 words
Delivery: Immediate Online Access

Article Excerpt
Introduction

Despite the fact that more than half of Americans are currently members of blended families, most blended family members continue to be plagued by negative stereotypes and misconceptions of this family form. Stepmothers, in particular, continue to face the myth of the 'Wicked Stepmother.' Whether it comes from centuries-old fairy tales or modern movie plots, this stereotype continues to dominate society's thinking about stepmothers. The continued perpetuation of the myth that all stepmothers are evil, wicked, greedy, or selfish has significant consequences on the stepmother's self-esteem as well as her family relationships. Additionally, the continued existence of the 'wicked stepmother' myth means that, even today, the stepmother role carries with it a particularly negative social stigma.

While many scholars have examined the difficulties of blended family life (Braithwaite, Olson, Golish, Soukup, & Turman, 2001; Bray, 1994; Coleman & Ganong, 1990; Dunn, 2002; Hetherington, 1999; Howell, Weers, & Kleist, 1998; MacDonald & DeMaris, 1995; Mason, Harrison-Jay, Svare, & Wolfinger, 2002; Michaels, 2000; Pill, 1990; Visher & Fisher, 1994), relatively few have examined the difficulties faced by stepmothers as a direct result of the negative stigma they inherit by stepping into this role. However, what research has been conducted (Jones, 2004; Levin, 1997; Salwen, 1990) suggests that the predominance of the stereotype of the 'wicked stepmother' creates a stigma that places a significant strain on a stepmother's self-esteem and role enactment. Therefore, this study is guided by one main research question:

RQ1: How do contemporary stepmothers utilize narratives to deal with the social stigma of the 'wicked stepmother' myth?

The question of how contemporary stepmothers utilize narratives to deal with the 'wicked stepmother' myth led the present study to a contemporary avenue--the Internet--to examine the research question. Specifically, this study examines the narratives utilized by stepmothers in an online chat room.

The study of narratives has been used previously to examine how families and family members communicate (Dickson, 1995; Hollihan & Riley, 1987; Ochs & Taylor, 1992; Vangelisti, Crumley, & Baker, 1999; Veroff, Sutherland, Chadiha, & Ortega, 1993). Some research has also examined the usefulness of narratives in support groups or in dealing with difficult issues (Arrington, 2003; Balk et al., 1998; Burke, 2000; Hsu & Kahn, 2003; Mitchell, Gale, Garand, & Wesner, 2003; Murphy, Clark Johnson, & Lohan, 2003). Yet, relatively few online support group studies have examined actual messages exchanged between participants. Two notable exceptions are Sullivan (2003) and Braithwaite, Waldron, and Finn (1999) who examined the messages exchanged in computer-mediated support groups. Few studies, however, have approached the examination of computer-mediated support group messages specifically from a narrative perspective.

Given that the goal of this study is to examine how contemporary stepmothers utilize narratives to address the social stigma of the myth of the 'wicked stepmother,' there are four particular concepts that are salient to the central focus of the present study. To answer the question of how stepmothers utilize narratives to address the stigma associated with the 'wicked stepmother' myth, this study begins by examining the following central concepts: the history and impact of the 'wicked stepmother' myth, stigma and social support, computer-mediated support groups, and narratives. The following literature review explores each of these concepts in detail, reviewing the extant research on each as well as examining how each issue relates to the present study.

Review of Literature

The Myth of the Wicked Stepmother

History of the myth

The 'wicked stepmother' myth is certainly one that has long plagued stepmothers. Interestingly, the term 'stepparent' was formed from the old English word 'steop,' which is derived from the Germanic root meaning 'bereave.' Thus, the stepmother has acquired this status literally because a spouse and parent has been bereft of a partner. Ironically, the stepparent role, by its etymological definition, sounds like a helpful role. Yet in our society, it carries with it a pervasively negative stereotype.

Research shows that the existence of the 'wicked stepmother' theme can be traced back as far as the ninth century (Ceglian & Gardner, 2000). More recently, even children in contemporary society hear fairytales like Cinderella, Hansel and Gretel, and Snow White, all of which make the stepmother the villain. As Claxton-Oldfield (2000) points out, 'there can be little doubt that hearing fairy tales about wicked stepmothers would negatively color young children's images of them' (p. 52). Unfortunately, most modern fairytales--now better known as movies--do not offer much more promising portrayals of stepmothers. A search of movies by Claxton-Oldfield and Butler (1998) revealed that none of the movies they examined portrayed stepparents in a specifically positive manner. Further, 'over one-third of the stepmother summaries portrayed them as murderous or abusive' and even more portrayed them as 'money-grubbing or as unwanted' (p. 55). [1]

The portrayal of the 'wicked stepmother' is not exclusive to motion pictures. Miller (1992) notes as someone involved in the theatre for 16 years how many plays and children's fairy tales still revolve around this myth. She observes, 'The familiar stereotype in fairy tales (and many new stories) is that of the wicked stepmother' (p. 9). She challenges the perpetuation of this myth with the question, 'Does the importance of paying homage to a cultural tradition of fairly tales outweigh the damage caused to all children by their demeaning content?' (p. 9). Yet, fairy tales and plays are not the only sites of the perpetuation of this myth. Popular news media are equally responsible. One need only search the titles of news stories around the world to understand how media perpetuates this myth. A search of newspaper stories reveals many titles and excerpts that illustrate the myth of the 'wicked stepmother.' The Asia Africa Intelligence Wire prints the story, "'Wicked" stepmother busted for stepson's abuse death' (2002). The Sunday Telegraph writes, 'Although Heather Mills has insisted she that she was no "wicked step mother," relations between her and her step-daughter Stella McCartney appear to be showing signs of strain once again' (Walker, 2003, p. 32), creating the dichotomy that, if the stepmother and daughter do not get along, she must by default be a wicked stepmother. The Europe Intelligence Wire leads with, 'Wicked stepmother in regime of neglect' (2002). The Atlanta Journal--Consitution describes the Florida Marlins' win over the New York Yankees as 'slaying the wicked stepmother of baseball' (Moore, 2003, p. 15D).

This negative portrayal of stepmothers by contemporary media has far-reaching implications. As Salwen (1990) asserts, 'the negative stereotype of the "wicked stepmother" continues to have a powerful hold on contemporary imagination' (p. 119). The following section discusses this impact in detail.

Impact of the 'wicked stepmother' myth on stepmothers

Commenting on the longevity of the wicked stepmother myth, Levin (1997) asserts that, 'the world has changed, but we still have fairy tales reinforcing the myth' (p. 177). Indeed, the amount of popular literature available on the myth of the wicked stepmother illustrates just how prevalent this myth is in contemporary society. In turn, the prevalence of this myth creates a stigma among stepmothers that impacts their role as a wife and as a stepmother, as well as their self-esteem.

Some scholars argue that stepfathers are more readily accepted and have an easier time in the stepparent role than do stepmothers. Levin (1997), for example, observes that, while men and women have both remarried and become stepparents, there is no expression or image of an 'evil stepfather.' Levin's study began with the initial assumption that many studies to date have, indeed, concluded that stepfathers do have an easier adjustment than do stepmothers. However, she argues, 'most research uses gender as an explanation of why relationships can be difficult, but not as a starting point for understanding' (p. 178). Thus, Levin sought to understand the dynamics and processes involved that make stepparenting easier for men. She conducted a qualitative study of the patterns of behavior in 63 members of stepfamilies. What she found is that, for women, the role of being a stepmother is compounded by the role of being a woman. Women are generally expected to do such tasks as housework, be a good wile, and, at the same time, take care of the children, but from a stepparental role. This creates a contradiction for women because, as a stepmother, they are expected to remain distant. Yet, at the same time, there are social expectations placed upon them to be caring and close because they are women. Men, on the other hand, experience no such contradiction. 'The male role is determinant of his behavior regardless of whether he is a father or a stepfather' (p. 187). Both of these roles carry the expectation that the male remains distant. This study clearly has implications for the myth of the 'wicked stepmother.' Women who find themselves in such a contradiction may experience internal and external conflict over how to handle the situation. Because men do not experience similar conflicts, this may perpetuate the myth of the 'wicked stepmother' while no such myth exists for stepfathers.

Jones (2004) conducted a study of narrative techniques utilized by stepmothers in a support group. She found that stepmothers experience unique tensions and challenges as a result of the often ambiguous nature of their new role. Jones asserts that the dominant stereotype of the 'wicked stepmother' is a major underlying cause of such role strain and that taking on a role that remains stigmatized by dominant culture contributes to 'feelings of insecurity, isolation, and role constriction' for stepmothers (p. 130).

Other scholars argue that a major issue for stepmothers is that they face difficulties not faced by other family members. Salwen (1990) 'explores the myth of the wicked stepmother as it affects the position and functioning of actual stepmothers' (p. 117). For example, children often idealize the biological mothers in the...

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