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...considerable disparities that characterize the region. This paper interrogates the importance these centers (CATOM) in relation to experiences of those who participate in the centers, state goals, and in conversation with theoretical understandings of gender and space. In particular, we consider the importance of sex-segregated spaces for the women and girls who participate in center activities. Additionally, we critically evaluate the center model to serve as input into planning processes, with particular attention to the relationship between outcomes of the spaces and stated goals and intent of the community centers. We also conclude with a brief discussion of how this work may contribute to advance theoretical understandings of the connections between gender and space, as well as gender theorizations of states.
Ozet
Cok kapsamli bir bolge kalkinma projesi olan Guneydogu Anadolu Projesi kapsaminda genel olarak kadinlara okuma-yazma ve girisimcilik ogreten, ozguvenlerini gelistiren ve Bolge'deki toplumsal cinsiyet farkliliklarinin ustesinden gelmek icin hizmet veren toplum merkezleri (CATOM), Turkiye'nin guneydogusunda kurulmaya baslandi. Bu makalede, bu merkezlerin onemi, katilimcilarin deneyimleri, devletin bu merkezleri kurmaktaki amaci teorik cercevede toplumsal cinsiyet ve mekan kavramlari uzerinden tartisilmaya calisilacaktir. Burada, ozellikle, bu merkezlerde kurslara katilan genc kiz ve kadinlar acisindan cinsiyete gore ayrilmis mekanlarin oneminden, mekanlarin hizmet ettigi ciktilar ile devletin amaclari arasindaki iliskiden bahsedilmekte ve yakin gelecekte acilmasi planlanan pek cok merkez dusunuldugunde merkez modeli icin girdi olusturabilecek elestirel bir degerlendirme getirilmektedir. Sonuc kisminda ise, bu calismanin toplumsal cinsiyet ve mekan arasindaki iliski konusundaki teorik calismalara ne gibi katkilari olacagina dair kisa bir tartisma yer almaktadir.
I. Introduction
Beginning in 1995, the Turkish government, in cooperation with other development partners, (1) established a network of community centers throughout the Southeastern Anatolia region, a region known for its poverty, hierarchical social relations, and considerable numbers of non-Turkish speaking residents. (2) Identified as a possible mechanism to improve the status of women, (3) these centers became operative as part of the large multi-faceted GAP project, a state-led development program intended to promote economic and social development throughout the southeastern region (GAP stands for the Southeastern Anatolia Project, see Unver, 1997; Saltik, 1994 for details on GAP programs and on the status of women in the region, respectively). As such, CATOM centers constitute a central component of recent state efforts to advance 'human centered development', extending attention of GAP planners beyond hydroelectric generation and economic growth to promotion of education, social equity, and participation of local populations. After decades of criticism and learning from gender and development studies in other contexts, Turkish government attempts to integrate women and gender concerns into development planning have been almost solely focused on CATOM efforts. As such, the centers have become largely synonymous with the 'gender' component of GAP development efforts, and therefore represent a central mechanism through which the state endeavors to transform 'women' and 'gender', making women of the southeast 'targets' of developmental discourse and programs (cf. Abu-Lughod, 1998).
While CATOM spaces were initially referred to as 'women's centers', more recently, they are referred to as 'multipurpose community centers' (Cok Amacli Toplum Merkezi), symbolically signaling a shift from a women-only approach, to a more inclusive approach that addresses needs of disadvantaged populations generally (the majority of CATOM centers are located in poor and underserved urban areas). Despite this broadened focus, the centers still cater largely to women, teaching literacy, (4) entrepreneurial and craft skills, and encouraging social interaction in an effort to bring women more fully into public life. In this paper, we critically evaluate the spaces and outcomes of these centers for three reasons. First, in the Turkish case, and potentially elsewhere, centers such as these serve as an interesting model to address gender components of development programs. As we describe in this paper, efforts of the centers appear to be successful in encouraging social interaction and building skills and confidence among young women, suggesting they may be useful in bringing women more fully into development efforts. Second, we believe that there are significant unexamined assumptions about gender and space that underlie the logic and function of the centers. We intend to provide a critical discussion of the centers that elaborates upon these unexamined assumptions and outcomes, especially to highlight connections between gender and space. Third, we believe that this discussion also contributes to a growing literature on gendered understandings of states and state practices, as well as related work on gender and nationalism. In particular, the CATOM case serves as a very deliberate example whereby states endeavor to rework gender relationships, allowing our critical evaluation of the center model to serve as a response to call to understand gender aspects of state planning and practices, enabling richer theorizations of the 'ways gender regimes are shaped, reinforced, and reworked within the state' (Cravey, 1998). This discussion, therefore, serves broader discussions related to ways that women are ambiguously enrolled in projects of modernity 'with all their unintended consequences' (Abu-Lughod, 1998), ways that differential citizenship is played out in emerging and institutional spaces (Brown, 1997), as well as gendered constructions of nationalism, in which women are simultaneously central and marginal to nationalist projects (Kandiyoti, 1991 ; Yuval-Davis, 1999; Mayer, 2000).
To serve these broader goals, we offer a study of CATOM centers that emphasizes dynamic relationships between gender, development, state practices, and space. We begin with an investigation of the characteristics of the center spaces, highlighting aspects detailed by center participants as being important for their ability to feel welcome and comfortable. As part of this discussion in section II, we provide a general overview of the types of courses and activities offered at CATOM centers, emphasizing factors that were mentioned by center participants as being significant for their continuing interest and participation, such as female-only courses, the role of permission from family members, and socialization opportunities provided by the centers. With this background, we turn to our critical evaluation of CATOMs in section III, calling attention to questions and critiques raised by the center approach, and noting some important tensions between state approaches to education in the region generally, and how these are negotiated differently through the CATOM model. For example, whereas the state mandates eight-year compulsory education throughout Turkey, there is implicit acknowledgement with the CATOM model that in fact many girls in the region do not attend school and there may be a need for alternative programs and opportunities. This discussion also includes attention to the divide between state intent with respect to the centers, and observable outcomes. It is very deliberate that our evaluation stresses both apparent strengths and weaknesses of the center approach. We do so, first highlighting positive elements before turning to our critiques, in the hope that our evaluation will provide useful and constructive feedback to GAP planners. It is noteworthy, as will be apparent from our discussion, that many center participants demonstrate a markedly positive perception of the centers. We believe that critiques of the center model are important, but do not wish to present them in the first instance in a manner that will overshadow the enthusiasm for center programs conveyed to us by many young women in the region. We conclude in section IV with a discussion of the state's implied goals with respect to gender through the CATOM approach, focusing on the use of these spaces to produce an emerging gendered citizenry. This discussion connects our evaluation of the center model to broader discussions of gender and space, and gendered theorizations of states.
The material used for this paper is based primarily on discussions of a focus group meeting (5) conducted on October 31,2001 at a center in Sanli Urfa, a city of the Southeastern Anatolia region near the border with Syria. This CATOM was one of the first centers to be established in the region, in 1995. There were nine participants in the focus group discussion, with ages varying between 13 and 20 years. One participant had been coming to the center consistently over several years, while others had only been participating for several months. In addition to the focus group discussion, we also draw on observations from several months of fieldwork carried out in the Southeastern Anatolia region during the fall of 2001. (6) Together, we visited seven of the network of 21 CATOMs active at that time. In addition to observations and informal interviews at each of these centers, we also draw on other data collected as part of a larger research project related to gender effects of changing agro-ecological practices associated with irrigation (see Harris, under review), including a survey of households in the Harran plain conducted cooperatively with faculty and students from Harran University. (7)
II. What Types of Spaces? (8)
In southeastern Turkey, it is common that girls may not participate in formal education, with approximately two-thirds of females in the GAP region attending primary school (numbers fall drastically for middle school and beyond). (9) Often girls' marriage, or opportunities to work or travel outside the home, may also be subject to decision-making authority of family members, though this undoubtedly varies from family to family. Other trends in the region include high rates of formal illiteracy (44% of women, and 18% of men estimated to be formally illiterate, GAP-RDA, 2002), relatively early marriage age (on average 21.7 years for women) (10) and high rates of fertility (approximately double the national average in Turkey). (11) With the few opportunities for formal employment in the region reserved mostly for men, women and girls often remain at home, engaged in some combination of domestic and/or agricultural work. In urban areas, this balance is weighted towards engagement in domestic reproductive labor. The situation that results in the urban areas is that many young girls have little opportunity for work, learning, or associational opportunities outside of the home, especially after they have reached puberty. At times, work expectations in terms of domestic labor, for example cooking or care of younger siblings, may also be considerable. The vast majority of CATOM centers are sited in relatively impoverished urban neighborhoods, many of which might be populated by families who have recently migrated from rural areas. This siting is deliberate in an attempt to reach young girls who may face considerable economic, social, or cultural hurdles in terms of access to educational and social opportunities.
In our focus group discussion, many young women who participate in CATOM activities note that for the first time, they feel that they are capable and skilled, have friends, or can imagine making an income of their own. As noted by Sadiman, "I think I can do everything now because of CATOM. I feel as though I succeeded in something.... Now I am free, I can go everywhere." (12) Berivan similarly demonstrates pride in her accomplishments, "Now my mother and father are proud of me because I can do everything. I went to both sewing and embroidery courses, and also to cloth painting courses. I mean, I learned everything that is offered here." (13) From similar comments made by other girls, and from success stories reported in GAP documents, (14) it is clear that CATOMs serve an important function in allowing these women to pursue education and social interaction in an atmosphere that is supportive and non-threatening. (15) What the reports on the centers seem to understate is the importance of the physical and social space of the centers themselves. What is the value in having women-only spaces of interaction? Why is it important to have a multiple and varied course offerings at the centers, encouraging women to participate over long periods of time, allowing them to return and enroll in further coursework? What type of atmosphere in the centers allows women to feel comfortable and accepted, and how are spaces of the centers interpreted and viewed by women who participate in center programs? Further, what structural or spatial barriers may exist that keep centers from realizing stated goals of promoting education and opportunities for women? We argue that explicit consideration of these types of questions, examining the importance, function, and character of the CATOM spaces themselves, is critical to evaluate the success of CATOM centers, its potential as a model for other development efforts, and in considering possibilities for extension or alteration of CATOM efforts over the coming years. During an interview with one state agent, it was informally mentioned that planners hope to extend the network of CATOM centers to as many as several hundred centers in the coming decades. (16)
CATOMs offer a variety of courses, from diploma equivalency certificates, to sewing and embroidery. It appears to be common that a girl will come to the center and enroll in sewing or crafts, and perhaps after making friends and becoming an active participant in the center, she may decide to enroll in...
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