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...that such policies create better decision-making processes, enhance creativity and innovation, and increase business competitiveness (Dessler, 2001). The organization can fully utilize its diverse human resource talents to sustain its competitive advantage (Shapiro, 2000) and comply with requirements of equal opportunity employment.
Social identity theory suggests that people classify themselves and others in categories based on some salient characteristics, such as gender, race, or ethnicity (Brunetto and Farr-Wharton, 2002; Haslam, 2002). They identify more with members who are similar to their category (in-group) than with dissimilar outgroup members. Such distinctions and attachments affect their group and self-attribution, including stereotypic attribution (Abrams and Hogg, 1999). The consequences of socially constructed identities include in-group favoritism, negative stereotyping and subordinating of out-groups, inter-group competition, and role conflict (Wharton, 1992). The distinctive identity of employees in a work setting subsequently results in the exclusion of minorities from group membership and important decision-making and less access to support, which, in turn, jeopardizes career advancement. The perception of unfair treatment eventually creates an overall negative work environment for all employees (Capozza and Brown, 2000). From a social identity perspective, group membership and the perception of group status are relevant to understanding intergroup relations in organizational settings.
This study examines a number of pertinent issues regarding gender and ethnic group participation in the work place. The issues include effective use of human resources, workers' perceptions of their work environment, participation in decision-making, support from managers and colleagues, and opportunities for career advancement. We focus on three issues: Do members of gender and ethnic groups perceive different level of inclusion and support within their organization? Are there group differences in their reactions to attitudinal responses in atmosphere and commitment? Are there group differences in the extent to which perceived support is linked to career advancement, measured by the number of promotions? These issues are investigated from the perspectives of social identity theory and organizational demography.
Conceptual Framework
Ely and Thomas's (200l) study on professional organizations (consulting, law, and financial services) found that perspectives on diversity shape members' identity, the proper functioning of work groups, and outcomes. A work group's role can be viewed as task and maintenance functions. The task function consists of keeping the team on track and getting the work done. Maintenance consists of behavior that fosters constructive relationships among team members (Hellriegel, Slocum, Jr., and Woodman, 1998, P. 244). In the present study, task function refers to committee membership, consideration of views at meetings, consultation by managers, and assistance from managers and colleagues. Maintenance functions include commendation and feedback from managers, volunteering to provide input, access to external information, and the overall work atmosphere and attitude. A conceptual framework for the present study is depicted in Figure 1.
Social identity theory connects social structures and individual identity through the meanings people attach to their memberships in salient identity groups, such as racial, ethnic, or gender (Brunett and Farr-Wharton, 2002; Haslam, 2002). These meanings, in turn, shape social interactions with members of their own identity groups or those of other groups. Social identity is a source of shared experience and mutual support for in-group members. The disproportionate representation of some identity groups over others may have a negative impact on the social structure and interactions in the workplace (Ely and Thomas 2001). Thus, social identity theory is directly relevant for the study of socio-demographic diversity within organizations.
Social identity and organizational demography literature suggests that people prefer to interact with members of their own identity group rather than with members of other groups. White males tend to predominate in higher positions, while females (Kersten, 2000) and ethnic minorities tend to occupy more junior positions, thereby creating in-group favoritism for white males. Differences between groups generate negative feelings in members of low-status groups about their collective identity (Hornsey and Hogg, 1999). For example, work relationships among women and minorities are likely to be negatively affected by status disparities. Group membership, therefore, is a powerful variable influencing attitudes toward the value of diversity. Experiences of racism and sexism shared by women and members of different racial or ethnic groups affect their attitudes and behaviors in the workplace.
There is ample evidence of the unequal experience of racial and ethnic minorities and women in the workplace, especially their limited access to, or exclusion from, informal interaction networks (Ely 1995). These networks allocate a variety of resources that are critical for performance and career advancement as well as social support and friendship (Ibarra, 1997).
Previous research points to racial and ethnic differences in perceptions of fairness and discrimination in organizations (Ely and Thomas, 2001). Whites see the advantage of blacks arising from affirmative action, and blacks see the advantage of whites deriving from dominant control of influential positions and committees (Parker, Baltes, and Christiansen, 1997). Minorities perceive the organizational diversity climate as less favorable than does the white majority, and women perceive it as less favorable than men. Minorities receive fewer opportunities for training and development for additional responsibilities and also receive less career information (Ohlott et al., 1994). Similarly, women tend to have less access to a variety of resources, such as income,...
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