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Article Excerpt
ABSTRACT/RESUME
This paper evaluates the distribution of ethnoracial groups among the top administrators of Canadian universities from 1951 to 2001, as well as faculty perceptions of mistreatment of visible minorities by university administrators. The results suggest that the proportion of presidents, vice-presidents, and deans of British origin has declined, though not as much as has the proportion of the population who are of British origin. French administrative representation has generally been stable, though like those of British origin, their proportionate share of the population has also declined. In contrast, the administrative representation of Europeans of non-charter ethnic origin has increased, while their share of the population has been relatively stable. More importantly, visible minorities are rarely represented in university administration, despite a significant increase in their population share. Not surprisingly, visible minorities perceive members of visible minorities to be mistreated by the administration more than do other groups.
Cet article evalue la distribution des groupes ethniques parmi les administrateurs superieurs des universites canadiennes de 1951 a 2001, aussi bien que les perceptions du corps enseignant du mauvais traitement des minorites visibles par les administrateurs universitaires. Les resultats suggerent que la proportion de presidents, de vice-presidents, et de doyens d'origine britannique ait diminue, cependant pas autant que la proportion de la population qui sont d'origine britannique. La representation administrative francaise a generalement ete stable, mais cependant, comme ceux d'origine britannique, leur part proportionnee de la population a egalement diminue. Par contra ste, la representation administrative d'Europeens d'origine ethnique non-charte a augmente, alors que leur part de la population a ete relativement stable. Plus important, les minorites visibles sont rarement representees dans l'administration universitaire, en depit d'une augmentation significative de leur proportion de la population. Pas etonnamment, les minorites visibles percoivent que les membres des minorites visibles sont maltraites par l'administration plus que d'autres groupes.
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Student bodies at universities are becoming more ethnoracially diverse, as is the Canadian population as a whole. One might expect this diversity to be reproduced among both faculty members and university administration personnel. Evidence in some universities suggests, however, that racial minorities are actually under-represented among university administrators and professors. Charges that racism is rampant in Canadian universities is based on this type of evidence (Ng 1994; Henry and Tator 1994b, 75). These allegations, however, may be premature and/or misguided. A summary of the pertinent research suggests that we have little systematic national information about the ethnoracial representation of Canadian university professors and administrators (see Ogmundson and McLauglin 1992; Henry and Tator 1994b; Nakhaie 1997, 1998). Similarly, there is an empirical void in the literature regarding university professors' perceptions of prejudice and discrimination by administration at the national level, despite much anecdotal evidence. The failure to provide systematic and national evidence regarding these issues is particularly problematic, given the charge of racism directed against Canadian universities (Henry and Tator 1994a) and, more broadly, the lively debate generated by Porter (1965) on ethnic stratification. (1)
The most cherished institutional imperative in universities is a commitment to universalism in pursuit of truth. Universalism dictates that recruitment and promotion be based solely on merit. Such an ethos demands that "careers be open to talent," and any restriction on scientific careers other than lack of competence prejudices the furtherance of truth (Merton [1942] 1973, 270-272). The racialist purge in Nazi Germany, the McCarthy period in the United States, the Red Guard in China, and the Stalin period in Russia are examples of restrictions that may have resulted in some eminent scientists being unable to contribute to that pursuit of knowledge/truth in a university setting. Therefore, charges of racism and evidence of under-representation of racial minority professors and administrators in Canadian universities are serious, not just because minorities are excluded from scarce resources and/or are discriminated against, but also because the rational pursuit of truth and the consequent scientific and societal development is compromised.
Many have argued that educational institutions tolerate prejudice, discrimination, and racism and are insensitive to ethnic and racial minorities with regard to curriculum, pedagogy, assessment, and streaming (Pratt 1984; Ramcharan 1987; McCarthy and Crichlow 1993; Ng, 1994; Henry and Tator 1994b). Ethnic and racial minorities are said to lack access, participation, and representation with consequent marginalization in educational institutions. With respect to racism, the term "systemic discrimination" or "chilly climate" was used to explain how and why people from disadvantaged groups are under-represented in universities (see Paul and Herringer 1996; Lorimer 1996; Webb 1996; Banker 1996; Mather 1996; Prentice 1996). Whitworth (1991) states that the average Canadian university professor is a white man and people of color remain highly under-represented within the university. Ng (1994) suggests that power and privilege in the university are granted based on race. Henry and Tator (1994b) point to a lack of minority representation at the administrative levels in Canadian universities. Such under-representation is manifested in:
the teaching of a basically Eurocentric curriculum; the paucity of research and courses on racism; the absence of an anti-racist pedagogy; incidents of racial harassment and overt racism; the lack of resources allocated to implement equity and anti-racism policies and practices effectively; the power relations between white majority and minority faculty and staff; the polarization between white students and students of color, and resistance to social change processes designated to eliminate racism. Henry and Tator 1994b, 75
With respect to ethnic stratification, Porter (1965) pointed to a hierarchy of stratified social positions, such that each ethnic group had differential access to opportunities and resources. According to Porter, the "charter status" groups--the French and English-commanded greater power and privilege than did "other" ethnic groups. He also noted an asymmetry of power favoring the English over the French. British dominance, Porter argued, is based on the establishment of exclusionary practices rooted in British attitudes and values (1965, 265). Porter's research findings regarding the elites was further supported by Clement (1975a, 1975b) and Olsen (1980). At the same time, this tradition of research on the dominance of the British elite has been attacked (Rich 1976, 14; Tepperman 1975, 156; Berkowitz 1984, 252; Bryrn and Fox 1989; Hunter 1986; Ogmundson 1990, 1992, 1993; Ogmundson and McLaughlin 1992, 1994). For example, Ogmundson and McLaughlin (1992) showed that between 1965 and 1985 the share of British education elites (university presidents, ministers, and deputy ministers of education) declined from 75.8 percent to 58.8 percent, while those of "other" groups increased from 9.7 to 23.5 percent. Ogmundson consequently argued that the traditional imagery of the vertical mosaic at the elite level is "obsolete" (1990, 165) and should be abandoned (1993, 383). Their conclusion ignored two fundamental issues, however. The first was that there had been significant changes in the ethnic composition of the Canadian population. When that change is taken into account, there is little actual decline in British dominance (Nakhaie 1997). Second, by combining the European and visible minority groups into the "other" ethnic category, they do not address whether the evident increase in the representation of "other" ethnic origin in education (or other) elites may have been specific to non-charter, European origins, excluding visible minorities.
In sum, substantial controversies persist regarding vertical mosaic imagery. Similarly, there is little systematic trend analysis of ethnic representation among the top administrators of Canadian universities. Finally, we have little information on faculty's perception of mistreatment by university administrators. These are important shortcomings, given...
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