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...bringing 10,000 delegates from more than 160 countries to the city. In the months before the event, the Thai government forcibly removed over 2,000 slum dwellers from the areas immediately surrounding the new $90 million Queen Sirikit National Convention Center that hosted the conference. (2) Hundreds of shanties in informal settlements were destroyed and a huge metal wall was erected to conceal the devastation left behind. (3) Similarly, when the World Bank and IMF held their conference in the Philippines in 1976, President Marcos initiated a "beautification" campaign in which 400 families were evicted from slums in Manila during the months preceding the event. (4) Despite the array of slum improvement programs financed by the World Bank, (5) Thailand and the Philippines both relied on shortsighted strategies of forced removal in order to conceal the existence of slum dwellers and, in doing so, protect national claims of "development."
In recent years, housing advocates and development scholars have criticized large-scale urban economic development projects for their adverse impacts on informal settlements. For example, in his World Bank Discussion Paper, The Urban Environment and Population Relocation, Michael Cernea suggests that "the frequency and magnitude of compulsory displacement are likely to increase in the developing world as the trend towards urbanization grows stronger." (6) In response to research conducted by social scientists such as Cernea, the World Bank and other international aid organizations have required that plans to address population displacement be "part-and-parcel of policies for urban socioeconomic development, rather than a mere side-effect not requiring explicit policy and legal frameworks." (7) Despite the increased attention to displacement associated with development projects, development scholars and practitioners have paid little attention to the impacts of international events on informal settlements in the developing world. (8) The World Bank and other international organizations, such as the International Olympic Committee and the World Tourism Council, have failed to look at what happens behind the scenes when global conferences, sporting events, and international expositions are held in cities in the developing world. In other words, the international development community has failed critically to examine what happens in the "backyard" of the mega-events they host or participate in.
The evictions that occurred prior to the Word Bank and IMF conferences epitomize a much broader trend. According to the 1996 Global Report on Human Settlements prepared by the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS), five of the top thirty-four recent examples of massive evictions worldwide were related to mega-events. (9) The report suggests that "beautification" projects immediately prior to international events are one of the most common justifications for slum clearance programs. (10)
Since mega-events bring increased attention to host cities, they often inspire municipal or national governments to improve the appearance of the host city, usually on a very condensed timeframe. Under the logic of event-oriented development, the visibility of poverty becomes paramount in renewal schemes, and preparations often involve removing the poor from high-profile areas surrounding event venues, without significant attention to long-term solutions to slum problems. However, these evictions often leave lasting impacts on the host city by radically restructuring its social and economic geography. I describe these cities as "staged cities" in order to highlight the tension between the mega-event as a means of constructing an image of "development" and the actively concealed landscapes of the urban poor.
This Note will examine in detail slum clearance programs aimed at improving the appearance of high-profile areas immediately prior to two international mega-events: the 1988 Summer Olympic Games in Seoul and Santo Domingo's celebration of the 500th Anniversary of Columbus' voyage to the Americas in 1992. While the evictions preceding each of these mega-events have been well documented by the press (11) and advocates, (12) these accounts fail to compare the two case studies or analyze more generally the impacts of mega-events on low-income and squatter communities in the developing world. (13) Although other examples of mega-events abound, (14) these two case studies most dramatically illustrate the tension between development goals and international events. Together, the "beautification" programs associated with these events precipitated the eviction of an estimated 900,000 low-income people. (15)
Part II will describe the growing importance of mega-events as an urban redevelopment strategy in a global economic system in which cities must vigorously compete with each other to attract increasingly mobile capital. Parts III and IV will describe the political and economic contexts in which the Summer Olympics in Seoul and the 500th Anniversary in Santo Domingo were developed and the impacts that these mega-events had on urban slum dwellers. In Part V, common themes from these two case studies will be examined. Finally, Part VI will propose alternatives to slum clearance and suggest how mega-events can function to improve the conditions of poor people in host cities, rather than simply--and violently--banishing them from sight.
II. BIG KAHUNA CAPITALISM: MEGA-EVENTS AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Mega-events, also referred to as "hallmark" or "landmark" events, are large-scale events intended to renew investment in host cities, usually in the tourism sector, by projecting a positive image of the city. (16) Mega-events can be distinguished from smaller events--such as routine conferences, celebrations, or sporting events--by the tremendous amount of resources that go into their implementation and the physical legacies for host cities. (17) During preparations for a mega-event, the line between short-term events and ongoing urban development is blurred: hotels, stadiums, entertainment complexes, urban parks, and civic monuments are constructed to accommodate the event itself but often are connected with a broader urban revitalization agenda. Frequently, in the years prior to a mega-event, the host city will witness unprecedented rates of construction activity as the city gears up for a massive influx of visitors and heightened international attention. (18)
British sociologist Maurice Roche has laid out the critical characteristics that define mega-events and guide mega-event research:
Mega-events (large scale leisure and tourism events such as Olympic Games and World Fairs) are short-term events with long-term consequences for the cities that stage them. They are associated with the creation of infrastructure and event facilities often carrying long-term debts and always requiring long-term use programming. In addition, if successful, they project a new (or renewed) and perhaps persistent and positive image and identity for the host city through national and international media, particularly TV, coverage. This is usually assumed to have long-term positive consequences in terms of tourism, industrial relocation, and inward investments. (19)
Research on mega-events has focused on the role and impact of mega-events within Western, post-industrial cities. (20) Mega-events are increasingly used as a means of revitalizing depressed post-industrial city centers. In the American context, local governments adopted mega-events as one of the main "entrepreneurial policies for economic development" after federal aid was cut in the 1980s. (21) Civic leaders in host cities offer multiple justifications for public investments in mega-events. For example, event organizers often articulate a desire to restore "self-confidence," "dynamism," and "civic pride" among residents of the host city. (22) Harry Hiller describes the role that the Calgary Olympics played in promoting "spirit-building civic interaction" through "pin-trading, pancake breakfasts, and people watching," as well as creating an overall "party spirit" in the city. (23) More often, researchers focus on the political economy of mega-events and their role in generating both revenue and international prestige for host cities. On a national level, mega-events are typically part of a larger program to develop tourism and international investments. (24) On a municipal level, mega-events can play an important role in recasting downtown areas as sites for leisure activities and consumption, typically through the development of sports venues, hotels, and tourist attractions. (25)
Perhaps the most compelling explanations for the increasing popularity of mega-events situate them within the context of inter-city competition for capital in a postmodern, global marketplace. (26) The international attention that mega-events attract can help emerging global cities define or "re-image" themselves to both potential investors and tourists. Mega-events play a critical role in enabling local elites to offer "a coherent interpretation of a city's 'intentions' and of its economic and political environment--in other words, its 'image.'" (27) David Harvey describes the pressures on cities to undergo such an imaging process:
Cities and places now, it seems, take much more care to create a positive and high quality image of place ... [This process] is understandable, given the grim history of deindustrialization and restructuring that left most major cities in the advanced capitalist world with few options except to compete with each other, mainly as financial, consumption, and entertainment centres. Imaging a city through the organization of spectacular urban spaces became a means to attract capital and people (of the right sort) in a period (since 1973) of intensified inter-urban competition and urban entrepreneurialism." (28)
In the early 1990s, U.S. News and World Report remarked on the explosive popularity of mega-events and large-scale spectacle-oriented development projects as a means of attracting global capital, describing this trend as the "Big Kahuna approach" to urban development: "building big projects and hoping that, like some Hawaiian witch doctor, they'll magically bring cash and prestige." (29) Similarly, Roche suggests that mega-events "are being produced by cities in the throes of transformation and in various sorts of crisis," and play an important role in assisting host cities "to renew their image, to restructure and reposition themselves as centers of capital and labor, production, and exchange in the national and global economy, and generally to 'modernize.'" (30) As Roche observes, mega-events have become increasingly popular tools for responding to the urban crises in the face of which many municipal governments feel they lack "realistic alternatives." (31)
Despite the renewed attention by academics to the efficacy of mega-events as a redevelopment tool, the existing literature on mega-events is largely limited to First World urban centers. Mega-events have also played an increasingly prominent role in the developing world, however, and in recent years several developing countries have aggressively pursued bids to host international sporting events, such as the Olympic Games. (32) Crucial differences between hosting mega-events in the developed and developing world have not yet been thoroughly evaluated. (33)
While the literature on mega-events in the developed world often focuses on the trend towards revitalizing post-industrial urban centers through "consumption-based" economic development, (34) mega-events in the developing world are often motivated, at least in part, by a desire to demonstrate that the host county embraces international legal norms. (35) In addition to recasting the image of the host city as a hospitable location for tourism and leisure activities through physical improvements, mega-events in the developing world can help the host country assure tourists and potential investors that it respects human rights and the rule of law. (36) The close connection between the Olympics and the promotion of the rule of law dates back at least to the 1964 Olympics in Tokyo, when the Japanese government launched a massive five-year long campaign to "instill a respect and basic compliance towards the rule of law" among the Japanese citizenry prior to the Games. (37) By selecting a country to host their mega-event, international institutions such as the World Bank or the International Olympic Committee (IOC) seemingly place their stamp of approval on the host country's legal and political institutions. (38)
The recent controversy surrounding China's bid for the 2008 Summer Olympics powerfully demonstrates the ideological potency of international mega-events. It is widely recognized that China's bid for the 2000 Games, initiated soon after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, failed due to the nation's dismal human rights record, whereas its successful bid for the 2008 Games reflected the IOC's hopes that the Games would act as a catalyst for...
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