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...alternative, innovative solutions to specific social problems (Knoke, 1990). Across a wide spectrum of social issues, these organizations have procured rights and services for disenfranchised groups.
Ironically, successfully influencing policies and practices can have significant consequences for the mission and/or viability of CAOs. When CAOs are effective at promoting change, funders and the targeted service sector often adopt some of the service delivery innovations advocated for by CAOs (Zald & Ash, 1966). This success may reduce the need for their previous organizational mission as a change agent and may create a new demand within their community for the services that the CAO advocated to create (Riger, 1984). Often, in order to remain viable in this changing environment and to be sure that the needed services are available, CAOs shift their focus, taking on a service delivery or dual service delivery/advocacy role, thus becoming partners with the system they once advocated against (Riger, 1984; Zald & Ash, 1966). Riger (1984) concludes that such a life course transition, from a focus on advocacy to a focus on service is a frequent outcome for many CAOs. There is evidence across a variety of sectors to support Riger's claim. This shift in focus has been documented in disability (Segal, 1970; Stone, 1996), educational (Gittell, 1980), community development (Knoke, 1990; Perlman, 1976), feminist movement (Riger, 1984), and rape crisis (Campbell, Baker, & Mazurek, 1998) CAOs.
Although the adoption of a service delivery mission by CAOs may have immediate benefits for their constituents and local communities (e.g., the provision of needed services), such partnerships with the traditional service sector also have significant consequences for the organizational practices and beliefs of CAOs. Riger (1984) argues that the development of formal relationships with the traditional service sector, through either the development of collaborative relationships or the receipt of external funding, will cause a CAO to look and behave more like a traditional service organization than a radical change agent. This argument is consistent with the views of institutional theorists who believe organizations conform to the dominant belief systems in their external environment (D'Aunno, Sutton, & Price, 1991; Meyer & Rowan, 1977). Riger (1984) argues that increased involvement with the traditional service sector leaves CAOs unable to continue to function in the role of radical change agents.
Campbell et al.'s recent examination of the social change practices of rape crisis centers (Campbell et al., 1998) provides empirical support for Riger's conclusions. They found that the centers they studied had also taken on a dual service/advocacy mission. Although the centers maintained some involvement in important social change activities, these activities were much less radical in nature than previous advocacy efforts. Informants attributed this decline, in part, to the constraints placed upon them by their current funders and changing contextual demands.
One important consequence of such transitions is that these CAOs may lose their ability to adopt and advocate for innovations that significantly challenge the status quo. When new innovations that challenge the existing mode of service delivery appear on the scene, CAOs that have adopted a service focus may find themselves unable to adopt the new innovation. Innovation adoption is more likely to occur when organizations have the internal and external environment needed to support such change (Kimberly et al., 1990). Because the traditional service sector often does not propagate such environments, CAOs that develop partnerships with this sector often do not have the contextual support needed to facilitate such change.
One important question that arises from past work on the transformation of CAOs is whether or not CAOs that adopt a service delivery orientation necessarily face an inevitable decline in their focus on social change (Piven & Cloward, 1977; Riger, 1984) and in their ability to remain open to innovation. The history of one CAO in the disability arena suggests that this end state is not inevitable. For 50 years, The Arc, (3) a national disability CAO, has played a key role in bringing about social change in the disabilities arena (Braddock, 1992, 1998). Although all Arc chapters in Michigan started with the same advocacy focus, and most then transitioned into a dual advocate/provider role, some chapters were able to rededicate themselves to their social change mission and renew their advocacy for the adoption of innovations (The Arc Michigan, 1997). The Arc Michigan (4) provides an excellent setting for exploring how CAOs remain open to innovation.
The Arc
The Arc is one of the largest not-for-profit voluntary associations in the United States, with approximately 140,000 members organized into 1200 state and local chapters. Founded in 1950 as an advocacy organization, The Arc's membership is comprised primarily of parents of children with developmental disabilities. The Arc has been influential in dismantling the institutional care system, shifting state funds to community-based services, changing disability legislation, and shifting service delivery practices and public attitudes in order to help persons with developmental disabilities become more valued and integrated members of society (Braddock, 1992, 1998; Braddock & Fujiura, 1991).
Most Arc chapters began with a similar mission--to improve the quality of care in institutions and advocate for the development of community based services for persons with developmental disabilities. Over the past few decades, however, there has been great diversification across Arc chapters in terms of both their activities and philosophies. Some chapters currently function as sheltered service providers (e.g., running group homes) and others act more as social change advocates (Segal, 1970; The Arc Michigan, 1997).
In recent years, The Arc's mission as an advocacy organization has been challenged by a significant ideological change in the developmental disabilities field. The ideology of sheltered care that has historically guided The Arc's activities is being replaced by a philosophy of inclusion. Although there are many definitions of inclusion, it usually refers to the full participation and integration of people with developmental disabilities in all aspects of community life (e.g., school, work, living, and recreational settings), regardless of their disability (Alper, Schloss, Etscheidt, & Macfarlane, 1995). (5) A critical component is the provision of necessary supports (Singh, 1995). This new philosophy departs radically from the tradition of sheltered services originally advocated for by The Arc, in which people with developmental disabilities live, work, or participate in activities primarily with other people with disabilities (Bradley, 1994). There has been considerable controversy within the field of develo pmental disabilities over the adoption of inclusion. Advocates argue that it is a civil right which results in improved outcomes and quality of life (Patton et al., 1996), whereas opponents believe that inclusion is not necessarily appropriate or beneficial for all people with disabilities (MacMillan, Gresham, & Forness, 1996).
Given the radical change that inclusion represents, and the disagreement regarding its benefits and feasibility, it is not surprising that it has been a confusing and divisive issue within The Arc. Although some Michigan Arc chapters have adopted and even pioneered an inclusion philosophy, this new ideology is not consistent with the philosophy and current activities of other local Arc chapters. Some local Arc chapters have resisted inclusion, choosing to continue delivering segregated services that are at odds with an inclusion approach.
Taken together, the important role The Arc has played in bringing about social change for persons with disabilities, the diversity of organizational forms that has developed within The Arc, and the differential adoption of inclusion by Arc chapters have created a natural setting for exploring the adoption of innovation by CAOs. In this study, we examine how local Arc chapters that have adopted an inclusion philosophy differ from those that have not and explore how the process of adoption of innovation took place. (6) Given the role CAOs have played in promoting funding, services, and opportunities for disenfranchised individuals, it is important to understand how these critical entities can maintain their role as challengers of the status quo.
Characteristics of CAOs That Remain Open to Innovation
The ability of a CAO to remain open to innovation is significantly influenced by the character of its internal and external environments (Kimberly et al., 1990). Because CAOs are dependent on their members and external supporters for funding and resources (Knoke, 1990), they are particularly vulnerable to and influenced by the predominant beliefs and practices of their organizational leaders, members, external funders, and key external contacts (Riger, 1984). Consequently, the extent to which these entities support an innovation or change significantly influences the CAO's capacity to adopt an innovation (Rogers, 1995). For this reason, in seeking to understand how Arc chapters that have adopted an inclusion philosophy differ from those that have not, we focused on the characteristics of their internal and external environments.
Internal Organizational Environment
Rogers (1995) argued that a key internal organizational factor related to the adoption of innovation is the extent to which the dominant belief systems within the organizational environment are compatible with the targeted change. Key to this internal belief system is the leader's attitude regarding the proposed change, because an organization's current ideologies and practices typically reflect the values of the organization's formal and informal leaders (Schein, 1985). The influence leader attitudes have on innovation adoption was well demonstrated by the results of Damanpour's meta-analysis of determinants and moderators of organizational innovation (Damanpour, 1991). Damanpour found that organizations, particularly nonprofit organizations, were more likely to adopt an innovation when managers and members supported the change. Examining service transitions within the field of developmental disabilities, Magis-Agosta (1994) and Kiracofe (1994) also found that agencies were more likely to transition from pro viding segregated to inclusion-guided services when they had leader support for this change.
Because The Arc is a voluntary association, the members and the board of directors often play an important leadership role. We were therefore interested in examining attitudes of chapter leaders, board members, and members. We hypothesized that inclusion chapters would be more likely than other chapters to have leaders, board members, and members who have a positive attitude towards inclusion and a negative attitude towards segregated services. Inclusion chapters were also hypothesized to have more consensus among chapter members regarding inclusion.
External Environment
Although The Arc itself is a loosely coupled organization (Segal, 1970; Weick, 1979a), Arc chapters are interdependent with other organizations in their environments. The values and beliefs (Meyer, Boli, & Thomas, 1994; Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Scott, 1994) and funding requirements (Pfeffer & Salancik, 1978) within the external environment help to determine an organization's structure, function, activities, and philosophy. Organizations conform to the dominant belief systems and expectations within their environment because they are rewarded for doing so with increased resources, legitimacy, and capacity for survival (D'Aunno et al., 1991; Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Pfeffer & Salancik, 1978). Based on the findings of past researchers...
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