...government President Raul Alfonsin, in disarray over its inability to slow economic decline and hyperinflation. Menem's presidential run featured traditional Peronist calls for strong union movement in defense of national industry, an end to the foreign debt burden, and oblique criticisms of international capital. His victory and early assumption of office in late 1989 made foreign and domestic business leaders nervous. Nevertheless, in the most stunning about face in twentieth century Argentine politics, within eighteen months Menem had reinvented himself and his party. In the late 1980s the Reagan and Bush administrations had placed a new policy emphasis on the free movement of goods and capital in and out of stable democratic polities in the Americas. Following similar shifts in Brazil and Mexico, Menem aligned his economic and foreign policies with those of Washington.

Menem's shift not only redefined Peronism but set in place sharp policy shifts that dovetailed with post-Cold War initiatives in Washington. So radical were the reversals in Argentine foreign relations that through the latter half of 1990 that the Foreign Ministry sponsored a series of high level private meetings in different locations to explain the shift to incredulous senior diplomats. At home, the government changed the law to pave the way for the privatization of government businesses and industries that had defined so-called state capitalism for more than a generation. Menem broke the political power of organized labor and cleared restrictions on foreign investment and capitalization. In the international sphere, political scientist and special adviser to the foreign minister Carlos Escude led planning for and the execution of Argentina's withdrawal from the non-aligned movement after twenty years of membership. For the first time ever, Argentines and Americans can be said to have "fought side by side" with the sending of an Argentine warship to the Persian Gulf in support of American forces during the Gulf War. After more than two decades of charting a nuclear non-proliferation policy at odds with Washington's, the Argentine government reversed itself overnight accepting the premise for the first time that there could be no hypothetical, theoretical, or practical distinction between belligerent and non-belligerent nuclear testing. In the early 1990s, after decades of opposing U.S.-led, Organization of American States (OAS)-sponsored interventions in the Americas, Argentina joined the failed international effort to help bring democracy to Haiti. (1)

During the 1990s, the unprecedented success of U.S. policy in Argentina and the alignment of Argentine foreign policy with U.S. goals stand in contrast to more ambiguous and sometimes hostile bilateral relations for much of the twentieth century. Moreover, Argentine and non-Argentine commentators have highlighted this divide; before 1989, the two countries were antagonists, more often than not. After, they were allies. Without wishing to diminish the importance of Argentina's post-Cold War policy shift, this paper will argue that it is inaccurate to imagine US-Argentine relations before 1990 as a polar opposite to what followed. There were hostile episodes in bilateral ties. Argentine democrats lamented Washington's friendships with the Argentine military. There was ongoing conflict on a variety of trade issues, including the problem of beef and foot-and-mouth disease. The two countries clashed repeatedly on the problem of international lending and finance policy. Despite these very real points of contention, Cold War relations between the two countries were strong, consistent, framed by extensive cultural ties, and oriented around common economic objectives and Cold War security. Some key components of the post-1990 Argentine-United States policy alignment came in a context outside of bilateral ties (for example, the shift toward open markets throughout Latin America). This is also true of some of the most important points of bilateral tension during the Cold War, framed in a context that went well beyond the United States and Argentina. The rhetoric of successive Argentine governments, for example, in defense of economic nationalism came in a larger Latin American intellectual and political climate of cepalismo and desarrollismo. These and other points of Cold War bilateral friction must be reconceived in the context of persistently strong ties between the two countries. This paper will focus primarily on two areas of Cold War ties during the 1950s and 1960s, each of which helped strengthen U.S.-Argentine relations over time and established key precedents for the decades that followed. First, in a context of growing bilateral business ties but continued economic tensions and misunderstandings between the two countries, American cultural influences in Argentina became enormous and helped shape Argentine interest in and sympathy for American society. Second, Argentina became a reliable Cold War ally for Washington in the fight against communism and in the application of National Security Doctrine precepts.

Cold War era bilateral ties were likely at their worst before 1950 when the U.S. government backed a determined effort to undermine Argentine economic strength and independence. (2) After 1950, Peron abandoned some elements of his economic nationalism. Improved relations were sparked in part by a U.S. Export-Import Bank loan and a new Argentine law in 1953 that reopened the country to foreign investment. They were given a further boost with a series of contracts between the Argentine government and Standard Oil and with the collapse of Peron's "tercera posicion" diplomacy. Change came quickly with heavy new American investments in Argentina in the 1950s and strong Argentine support for US Cold War policies in Latin America and beyond. (3)

In comparison to credits offered to Brazil and to countries in other parts of the world, U.S. financial assistance to Argentina was weak. For Washington, this simply represented a combination of Argentina's relative insignificance as a strategic and investment priority, and a persistent sense that Argentine authorities could do more on their own to spark economic growth, limit social uncertainty, and resolve disputes between U.S. companies and the Argentine government. American officials pressured for open trade and finance policies in Argentina, but when the Argentine government acceded, the Americans seemed always to want more. Even so, there is no evidence to suggest that had the U.S. government been more supportive of Argentina financially and otherwise that Argentina's growing economic problems through the early 1960s might have been solved. (4)

Like other Latin Americans, Argentines followed an American lead in the rapid cultural and ideological changes that accompanied Cold War tensions in North America. In fashion, American styles predominated. In the early 1950s, women showed a new found social independence by moving their skirt hemlines up to their knees or slightly higher. Male Argentine designers exalted women's curves, as did their American counterparts. American technology and culture found their way into Argentine radio. In the late 1940s, Argentines modeled radio programs on their American equivalents. There were large studio audiences. Tarzan, Batman and Robin, and other American stories were serialized in Buenos Aires. American companies sponsored programs and contests for listeners and audience members. (5)

In 1943, the government tried to control the diffusion of American cultural influences by limiting jazz on the radio. The effort did not last. Popular on radio and in nightclubs since the 1920s, a broad range of American-influenced jazz styles--from Louis Armstrong to Charlie Parker--caught the imagination of thousands of Argentines in the late 1940s and 1950s. Cab Calloway toured with his orchestra in 1951. In 1956, Dizzie Gillespie played in the "Casino" nightclub in Buenos Aires. Gillespie also performed on Argentine radio and, with the pianist Osvaldo Fresedo, made a series of recordings in Buenos Aires that included a composition by Astor Piazzola. Argentine musicians inspired by Miles Davis, Charles Mingus and other Americans won international recognition in the 1950s. Piazzola and Gato Barbieri moved easily between New York and Buenos Aires, as did Lalo Schiffrin, long before his jazz days ended and he wrote the theme to "Mission Impossible." These and other musicians fused Argentine and American jazz rhythms in their work. Jamaica, Cafe de Jazz, Hot Club, Jazz Club Cultural, and many other jazz clubs thrived in Buenos Aires and other cities. (6)

Television had powerful American influences. Before the first Argentine transmissions, the Buenos Aires press reported excitedly from the United States on the impact television was having. In 1951, the entrepreneur Jaime Yankelevich convinced Per6n to allow the import of television sets and broadcast equipment from the United States. Yankelevich told the Buenos Aires daily La Prensa, "I'm going to the United States to bring back television. If the Argentine government agrees, fine, if not, I'm bringing it anyway." It is not that Yankelevich doubted Peron's authority. He simply recognized early what many other Argentines would see much later; American popular culture was powerful, influential, and likely unstoppable. In New York, he met representatives of RCA Victor, ITT, Dumont, and Federal Communications. David Sarnoff and Dan Panley introduced him to the mayor of New York. Yankelevich returned to Argentina with a transmitter, studio equipment, an antenna, six Standard Electric cameras, and 450 Capheart television sets. On 21 September 1951 his Channel 7 went on the air. Advertising agencies had no more important or aggressive clients than television manufacturers. According to Carlos Montero, an employee of the Pueyrred6n Propaganda advertising agency, in the late 1940s and early 1950s "one of our clients was Standard Electric and our principal preoccupation was selling television sets." Adolfo Suarez, a car dealer and the concessionaire for Admiral televisions in Buenos Aires, produced the country's first situation comedy. He based it on "I Love Lucy" which he saw while on a trip to the United States. General Electric sponsored the first variety show. The Argentine television producer Eddie Williams commented on how common television salespersons had become. In "Una ventana a la vida," a situation comedy that first went to air in 1952, Williams remarked that "for whatever reason, in the most unusual circumstances of humor or passion, a television salesman would appear on screen." (7)

The Argentine fascination with American television continued through the 1950s and 1960s. In 1956, the first dubbed American series reached Argentina. They included "Cisco Kid," "Boston Blake," starring Chester Morris, and "Patrulla de caminos" with Broderick Crawford. In the latter, Argentines watched enthralled by high speed chase scenes on American highways, gunshots that almost never hurt anybody, and American story lines pitting good guys against bad guys. "Odol pregunta por $1,000,000," "La cabalgata Gillette de los cien mil pesos," "La caceria de los quinientos mil pesos" and other game shows modeled on their American equivalents went to air in 1956, as did the Argentine musical comedy "Field's College." In the latter, actors appeared as Argentines imagined American teenagers would dress, with leather jackets, hoop skirts and bobby socks. Disney Studios' "Zorro," starring Guy Williams and Henry Calvin reached Argentina in 1957. The show developed a cult following among Argentine children, already primed by American adventure movies and comic books. Inspired by the show's success, Argentine producers tried an adventure...

NOTE: All illustrations and photos have been removed from this article.



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