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Article Excerpt
The popularity of such television shows as Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, in which a team of five gay men teaches clueless straight men how to dress more fashionably, prepare gourmet meals, and decorate their otherwise lackluster apartments, and Will & Grace, a sitcom about the quirky friendship between a straight woman and a gay man, illustrates a key point: To the extent that the mainstream media reflects the sentiment of the general viewing public--a population that is predominantly straight--it is now okay to be gay. In some circumstances, being gay may provide you with a perspective and skill set that straight people may be lacking.
Despite the popularity of these television shows, however, sexual prejudice (prejudice against gay and bisexual men and women) remains a serious problem. For example, a study conducted in 2000 at 14 U.S. colleges found that over one-third of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered students had experienced harassment within the past year, with 20% of these students reporting that they feared for their physical safety because of their sexual orientation or gender identity (Rankin, 2003). In a 2005 survey of 662 self-identified gay, lesbian, and bisexual adults, about one half of the respondents reported being victims to verbal harassment based on their sexual orientation, with roughly 20% reporting a crime to their person or to their property (Herek, 2007). According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation's 2005 Hate Crime Statistics Report, law enforcement agencies reported 1,171 hate crime offenses based on sexual orientation bias in 2005 alone (U.S. Department of Justice, 2005). Understanding how the heterosexual majority forms attitudes about people with different sexual orientations is crucial for the reduction of sexual prejudice.
There has been a considerable amount of research investigating heterosexuals' attitudes toward homosexuality, in general, and homosexual men and women as targets (e.g., Davies, 2004; Herek, 2000, 2002; Herek & Capitanio, 1996; Kite & Deaux, 1987; Kite & Whitley, 1996, 1998; LaMar & Kite, 1998; Oliver & Hyde, 1993, 1995; Whitley & Kite, 1995). Much of this work has examined homosexuality within the context of traditional gender stereotypes. Dating back to Freud's inversion theory of homosexual behavior, homosexuality has often been viewed in terms of the presence of traits and tendencies characteristic of the opposite gender. From this perspective, masculinity and femininity represent opposite ends of the same dimension (see Foushee, Helmreich, & Spence, 1979)--the more feminine an individual is, the less masculine he or she is, and vice versa. This helps to explain the content of many of the existing stereotypes about gay men and lesbians, as well as how the heterosexual majority conceptualizes homosexuality more broadly. Gay men are seen as possessing traits and interests that have been traditionally associated with straight women, and lesbians are seen as being similar to straight men (Kite & Deaux, 1987; Taylor, 1983). As a result, many heterosexuals have come to view homosexuality as the violation of traditional gender-role stereotypes.
Attitudes about homosexuality are further complicated by two sets of gender differences: (a) differences in the attitudes held by heterosexual men versus heterosexual women and (b) differences in the degree of sexual prejudice against gay men versus lesbians. Considerable progress has been made toward understanding the nature of these differences. For example, compared to heterosexual women, heterosexual men have been found to hold more negative attitudes toward homosexuality (Herek, 2002; Herek & Capitanio, 1996; Kite, 1984; Kite & Whitley, 1996). One explanation for this finding stems from differences in the way heterosexual men and women organize their thoughts about homosexuality. Herek (2000, 2002) found that, whereas heterosexual men are more likely to regard homosexuality as a violation of traditional gender roles, heterosexual women are more likely to view gay men and lesbians as members of a disadvantaged social group. As a result, the negative attitudes held by heterosexual men may fulfill an ego-defensive function--that is, heterosexual men may be motivated to affirm their own masculine identity by derogating individuals they believe have strayed from the appropriate norm (Herek, 2000). Heterosexual women, on the other hand, who themselves may defy traditional gender norms, may be less likely to view homosexuality as a threat.
In addition, there is research to suggest that heterosexual men view gay men less favorably than lesbians, whereas heterosexual women tend to evaluate gay men and lesbians with a similar degree of favorability (Herek, 2000; Kite & Whitley, 1996, 1998; Louderback & Whitley, 1997). A number of plausible explanations for this finding have been offered, ranging from the erotic stigma that has been placed on certain lesbian habits (Herek, 2000, Louderback & Whitley, 1997) to differences in how negatively male versus female gender-role transgressions are evaluated (Kite & Whitley, 1996, 1998; Page & Yee, 1985).
Research Overview
Despite the extensive research on heterosexuals' attitudes toward gay men and lesbians, in general, no prior study has examined heterosexuals' attitudes toward gay men and lesbians who confirm versus disconfirm homosexual stereotypes. This research was designed to address the question of whether the attitudes held by heterosexual men and women about homosexual targets vary...
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