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Article Excerpt
INTRODUCTION
The transition to democracy is a slow and fragile process. The development of practical and sound public policies that are applicable, acceptable, and inclusive are vital for the establishment of democratic systems. We believe that such policies should be led by citizens and supported by governments. To achieve this goal, initiatives must also overcome entrenched nativist attitudes if the are to be truly anchored in the community. The issue is how to formulate and deliver such policies that will underpin the installation of the democratic ideal and which address the contexts unique to the countries undertaking this process.
A main goal of this conference, held in Winnipeg, September 27-30, 2007, was to discuss some issues related to citizen-focused initiatives. Earlier in 2007, the Democracy Council hosted a "Dialogue on Canada's Approach to Democratic Development" to discuss issues and challenges involved in the promotion of democratic development. One of the key findings of this dialogue was the importance of the participation and inclusion of all citizens, particularly marginalized populations, in designing and implementing democratic processes. Our intention was to build further on this dialogue and discuss the lessons learned to date, the role of external actors in facilitating democratic reform, and the role that Canada might take internationally.
This is the first time the Canadian Ethnic Studies Association (CESA)/la Societe canadienne d'etudes ethniques (SCEE) has discussed issues related to governance and ethnic and minority inclusion in a globalizing world. The theme is a bit of a departure for us as most of the research our community undertakes is centered on issues in Canada. Nevertheless, setting this theme in a global context was of pressing importance. While recognizing that "one size fits all" approaches to governance and minority inclusion are neither desirable nor realistic, it is also demonstrably clear that no national jurisdiction in the world today is exempt from having to deal with these issues. The particular experience of inclusion and governance may, therefore, differ from region to region or country to country, but the need to look at these issues can claim a certain universality. Thus, in keeping with the conference's theme, CESA invited several speakers from the developing world who are experts on ethnic inclusion in their respective nations. While disappointed that some participants from developing nations were unable to obtain a visa prior to the conference, the Association was nonetheless pleased to have three panellists for its CIDA (Canadian International Development Agency)-sponsored plenary session who come from and/or have worked in regions where CIDA has an established interest, such as Ukraine and the former Yugoslavia. Speakers and participants alike offered their perspectives on minority inclusion and governance and were able to consider alternative models used to achieve this end. It was hoped that these views from the outside would bring our Canadian model into clearer focus and give us the understanding to enable us to develop better policy to ensure that the goal of ethnic inclusion in governance is fully achieved.
Yet Canada's model of multiculturalism is not without its critics and may not necessarily fit all societies. Indeed, when issues of inclusion, governance, and the role of civil society are set within the context of a globalizing world, it becomes immediately clear that cultural difference can present a significant challenge. The conference, therefore, was conceived and structured with some key questions in mind, the most salient of which came to the fore in a variety of forms and on a regular basis: How far can the Canadian experience be used as a template for the development of policy in other societies? What can Canadian policy-makers learn from the experiences of other countries? Thus not only do the differences and similarities from one national context to another demand study, but so does the particular challenge of translation of experience from one context to another. These and other issues fueled debate and led to a mutually beneficial exchange of views.
As the conference confirmed, there is significant interest in continuing this line of research, and the themes of democratic governance and minority inclusion were well received by conference participants. The first part of this report provides an overview of the CIDA-sponsored plenary session on ethnic inclusion and governance, while the second part outlines the salient themes from the policy-makers' special session round table, held under the Chatham House Rule, on minority inclusion in civil governance.
This plenary session (September 28) was intended to share ideas and experiences about how to ensure effective ethnic inclusion in democratic governance systems. As the panelists were given no preset line of questioning to address, their presentations revolved mainly around their substantive fields of study and experiences. A summary of their presentations follows.
Vitaliy Makar National Minorities in Contemporary Ukraine Dr. Vitaliy Makar, professorat Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University in Chernivtsi in western Ukraine, is familiar with multiculturalism and ethnicity in both the Canadian and Ukrainian context. His academic affiliation is not insignificant, either, for his was the first university to sign an agreement of cooperation with a Western university on the territory of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. That agreement, which involved the exchange of faculty and students, was signed with the University of Saskatchewan in 1977. Chernivtsi National University has signed similar agreements of cooperation with institutions in other countries since then, but it still recognizes that original agreement as unprecedented at the time. In May, 2005, Professor Makar was made director of the Ramon Hnatyshyn Canadian Studies Centre at its official opening at Chernivtsi National University. It remains the only Canadian Studies Centre in Ukraine.
Makar began with the observation that community development in the vast majority of states in the world is strongly related to ethnicity. Although it varies by degree, a multi-ethnic national composition is something that can now be generalized to virtually all countries of the world. Ukraine is no exception to this, as over 130 nationalities have been identified as residing within its borders. Governments, therefore, face the challenge of providing for the common benefit of all groups in their plans for stable and positive societal development.
The latest census shows Ukraine as having a population of over 46.7 million, with 37.5 million of those being of Ukrainian ethnic origin. This leaves over nine million, or almost 20 percent of the national population, as an ethnic minority. The major groups to be found among these are ethnic Russians, Belorusians, Moldavians, Crimean Tatars, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Romanians, Poles, and Jews. As Ukraine borders a number of countries home to these ethnicities, there are often definite geographic patterns to the distribution of such national minorities. In parts of the eastern region of the country, Russians and Ukrainians are of almost equal numbers. In Crimea, ethnic Russians form the majority. In western Ukraine, on the other hand, Ukrainians form the vast majority, with the Uviv region consisting of 95 percent ethnic Ukrainians.
Makar thought that Ukraine has had some success in its post-Cold War policy development concerning minority inclusion. Indeed, with the major changes that came after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, some regions of Ukraine have had to adjust to the type of major constitutional restructuring that makes most countries ill at ease. With the Russian majority in Crimea unprepared for a newly independent Ukraine, tensions rose. After much constitutional struggle and negotiation, an agreement was arrived at which established an Autonomous Republic of Crimea, but still within Ukraine. A similar but separate arrangement has been made for the city of Sevastopol, on the Crimean peninsula, given its critical role as a port for the Russian Black Sea Fleet. Russia still has use of the military facilities in Sevastopol on a twenty-year lease.
Makar outlined some policy measures that the Ukrainian government has taken in order to ensure inter-group cooperation, tolerance, and harmony in the country. As part of its evolving cultural policy, Ukraine has had to undertake some basic first steps, such as evaluating international definitions of "national minority" in order to develop its own working definition. It has also had to develop laws regarding national and ethnic minorities, such as the law concerning refugees which was created in 1993. Such measures have also included establishment of educational institutions for national minority groups, and the formation of the Association of National Cultural Communities in 1999. Makar expressed the view that the measures Ukraine has taken since independence are consistent with the basic principles of a multicultural policy approach. He pointed out that there is no recent evidence of ethnic conflict in Ukraine, and, therefore, he sees Ukrainian national policy on minority inclusion as being largely successful.
Faton (Tony) Bislimi Demographics and Migration: Kosovo's Private Sector Development at a Crossroads
Professor Faton (Tony) Bislimi is the founder and president of the Bislimi Group Foundation and its Education for Peace Scholarships Program, the latter being implemented by the Bislimi Group and hosted by Texas Lutheran University. Holding dual residence in Kosovo and Canada, he provides leadership and overall managerial oversight for the Bislimi Group Foundation. Accompanied at the conference by colleagues from his foundation, with whom he was presenting a second paper during the concurrent sessions, Bislimi did not hesitate to address a broad array of weighty issues and difficult questions regarding the situation in Kosovo. His second paper, "Kosovo's Path to Peace: Is Coexistence Possible in a Post-Conflict Multi-ethnic and Multi-religious Country," figured just as prominently, if not more, in his presentation at the CIDA-sponsored plenary session. [Editor's note: Since these presentations were made, Kosovo has declared its independence, which has been recognized by a number of countries.]
In "Demographics and Migration: Kosovo's Private Sector Development at a Crossroads," Bislimi points out that Kosovo presents not only a challenge in the field of economic development, but also in terms of the definition of its political status. This latter point is somewhat unique to Kosovo, for it is an international protectorate of the United Nations and thus its political status is in the hands of the international community. Concerning economic development, most of its industries were under the control of the state in the Soviet era, and so public and social enterprises have historically been the major economic drivers in Kosovo. However, since the United Nations assumed control of the region in 1999, private sector development, largely through the privatization of publicly- and socially-owned enterprises (POEs and SOEs), has been seen as an important component of the promotion of economic growth in Kosovo. Nevertheless, Kosovo is still dealing with a hugely underdeveloped economy and incredibly high unemployment. Depending on one's source, this latter figure is estimated at anywhere from 40 to 60 percent.
Of Kosovo's 2.2 million inhabitants, approximately half are under the age of 25. This is a very important stage in demographic development for the region will soon be at the peak of what Bislimi calls its "demographic window of opportunity." It is during this period that rapid economic progress is the most achievable for the labour-inactive and elderly comprise a relatively small portion of the overall population. He, therefore, thinks that Kosovo needs to take advantage of this opportunity with quality education and training for young Kosovars, as well as to create opportunities for their entrepreneurship to be successful.
Another significant problem with which Kosovo must deal is emigration. Finding little opportunity in their own country, many Kosovars seek to migrate to the richer countries of Western Europe and North America in the hope of finding gainful employment and sending money back to their families. In fact, Kosovo is listed in the top twenty countries in the world for the proportion of GDP attributed to such remittances, and this has an effect on the mindset of young Kosovars. Seeing no potential in their own country, the young Kosovars who remain do not have the same enthusiasm as those who migrate. Thus, while alleviating needs related to poverty for a significant number of families in Kosovo, remittances also have a negative impact on young Kosovars in terms of their educational attainment and labour force participation. This is the situation that brings development in Kosovo to the crossroads of both demographics and migration. For Bislimi, then, policy that encourages education and training while discouraging further emigration of Kosovo's young people is of critical importance.
Bislimi sees much of this primarily economic portrait as being of consequence for inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo. With poverty and unemployment serving as major sources of frustration for Kosovars and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo unable to ensure sustainable economic progress, it is difficult for many to sustain any optimism about the future. It is from this point of departure that Bislimi's paper, "Kosovo's Path to Peace" begins to examine two major sources of Kosovo's current ethnic and political difficulties: a...
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