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The dilemma of worldwide typology and terminology of FGM--with special reference to Sudan.

Article Excerpt
Abstract

The objective of this article is the development of pertinent FGM typology, through using the local languages and / or dialects that are comprehensible to and culturally accepted by the individuals of different societies.

WHO (1996) typology and the recently (2007) proposed modified WHO one have been criticized. Alternatives for FGM used typology and terminology have been suggested.

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Introduction:

Of all problems traceable to traditional beliefs, and which adversely affect the health and lives of girls and women in Africa today, those arising from FGM are by far the most serious. Original, professional, and pioneer reporting on the health hazards (including fatality) of FGM practice in the Sudan had early been documented by Bredie, et al (1945); Shandal (1967); El Dareer (1983); Rushwan et al (1983, 1994). More recent inputs on the health consequences and gynecological complications have been recorded by El Fadil (2000). The negative psychological impacts were reported by Baasher (19[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]). Moreover, the negative psychosexual impact of FGM on women has been investigated by Abdel Magied and Musa (2002). Therefore, within the preceding context, it would seem logical to consider FGM as a synonym of endemic fatal disease and type of slavery specific to girls and women, whenever and wherever it is prevalent and/or practiced (Abdel Magied, 1998).

Nonetheless, in the Sudan the practice has been perpetuating for many generations. As such, the practice has been institutionalized as a habit or a custom that became an integral part of the social system. Nevertheless, the reasons behind perpetuation of the practice are complex and should be visualized, considered, evaluated and addressed through a multidimensional scientific approach. The latter should give full consideration to its inter-related culture, health, socio-economic, religious, official and legal perspectives (Abdel Magied, 2001, 2007).

However, of the 28 identified African countries (Rahman and Toubia, 2000) known to practice FGM, Sudan is one of the cases that are worthy of special attention. This is because of the extra prevalence of the unique practice of cosmetic "re-infibulation" or "re-circumcision" by Sudanese women. This is practiced after delivery, but also cosmetically for up to three times a year to have a tighter vagina. The practice is claimed mainly for the pleasure of the male spouse (Abdel Magied et al, 2000). This is in addition to a spread of FGM practice (due to negative acculturation influence) among communities (e.g. Southern tribes) where FGM was not part of their culture (Abdel Magied, 2001 and 2007).

Historical Developments of Previously Practiced Types of FGM in Sudan:

According to Bridie (1945), the operation involves removal of the clitoris and a large part of labia majora and the paring of the latter. This would strictly be the so called Pharaonic circumcision or infibulation which was the only type practiced in Sudan by then.

The age at which the operation of FGM is performed varies from one culture to another. According to El Dareer (1983), 18% of girls were circumcised at five years of age including those aged from seven days to four years. The minimum age of circumcision is seven to forty days and this habitual practice is only found among Beja and Beni Amir tribes of Eastern Sudan. However, the age at which girls are generally circumcised ranges between 5-9 years old (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Economic and National Planning, Khartoum-Sudan, 1991).

Shandall (1967) reported four types of circumcision that have been practiced in different Muslim and Arab countries, Australia, and Somalia. These types were classified as:

Circumcision: this is analogous to that of the male. It consists of...

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