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Article Excerpt
Who provides the drugs for youthful drug users? The myth of the older adult lurking around the schoolyard offering drugs to naive youngsters has been replaced by a less palatable truth. Youth do indeed provide drugs to other youth; some may devote considerable time and energy to this profitable "business;" and youth involved in the drug trade are also likely to adopt violent tactics (Blumstein, 1995; Brunelle, Brochu & Cousineau, 2000; Erickson, Butters, Korf, Harrison & Cousineau, 2007). Yet little detailed knowledge has been available about the nature of youthful illicit drug markets due to the double challenge of studying illegal, secretive activities and doing so by gaining the trust of young people who are engaged in drug selling. The DAVI study recruited a large, representative sample of incarcerated youth from each city with the expectation that, while the charge of drug trafficking is rare in youthful crime statistics, this seriously delinquent population would display high rates of self-reported drug selling. This was indeed the case, and enabled the team to analyze the patterns and correlates of drug selling and their relationships to violence inflicted on or by the youth in the course of illicit drug market transactions. After reviewing the relevant literature, this article will describe our methods and findings, and consider the consistencies and differences between sites.
Illicit drug use typically begins during adolescence with cannabis (marijuana and hashish), and may expand to hallucinogens and stimulants, and eventually to opioids for a minority of users (Kandel, 2002). Current drug use is predominantly manifest among adolescents and young adults (Comite permanent de lutte a la toxicomanie, 2003; EMCDDA, 2005; LeBlanc, 2005; OAS/SAMHSA, 2005; Rodenburg, Spikerman, van den Eijnden & van de Mheen, 2007). Epidemiological studies of drug use among the general population and school students, as well as more specific drug studies, indicate that the onset of drug use commonly occurs among friends. The drugs are generally supplied by friends, close relatives or other family members--in other words, the first use occurs within social networks (Brochu & Parent, 2005; Hibell, Andersson, Bjarnason, Ahlstrom, Balakireva, Kokkevi & Morgan, et al., 2004). Surveys also report that drugs are relatively easily available to many young people (Hibell, et al., 2004; AHRN, 2005; Warburton, Turnbull & Hough, 2005; Johnston, O'Malley & Bachman, 2003). A few studies also examine how current drug users acquire drugs, such as whether they buy them themselves, where they acquire them (i.e., on the streets or in a home), and how they are related to the suppliers (i.e., friends vs. strangers, older vs. same age). (For overview, see: Harrison, Erickson, Korf, Brochu & Benschop, 2007)
In most cases, cannabis is not only the first, but also often the only, illicit drug people ever use. In an overview of findings from school surveys among students aged 15-16 in 35 European countries, Hibell et al. (2004) found that cannabis was the drug most likely to be used by youth, and few had tried other illicit drugs. Further, cannabis was the first illicit drug used by a large margin, followed at much lower levels by ecstasy and amphetamines. For the initial drug experience, the drug was generally given by an older sibling or older friend, or shared in a group. It was much less likely to be bought from a friend or stranger. Overall more than half the students (55%) reported one or more places where they could easily buy cannabis. Discotheques, bars, and clubs, were mentioned most often (27%), followed by public places such as streets and parks (19%), dealers' houses (23%), schools (16%), and "other" (13%).
There is minimal in-depth research on drug dealing among youth as most research focuses on adults and mainly those in poor or marginalized groups (Erickson, 1996; Erickson, Butters & German, 2002; Faupel, 1991; Reuter, MacCoun & Murphy, 1990). Nevertheless, since youth typically acquire drugs in their own social networks, it follows that there are substantial numbers of youth involved in drug selling (Smart, Adlaf & Walsh, 1992). Some reasons suggested for minors' involvement in drug selling activities include as part of a rite of passage (i.e., to prove that they are good potential gang members), because they get lower sentences than adults (Blumstein, 1995), are more vulnerable to optimism bias (i.e., that they won't get caught (Reuter, et al., 1990), have social proximity to users (Harrison, et al., 2007), and as a lucrative way to finance their own drug use or other luxury items (Brunelle, Brochu & Cousineau, 2000; Erickson, 1996; JHSA, 1999; Thomas, 2004; Robinson, 2004).
Some interesting ethnographic studies on drug dealing among young people have been conducted by Williams (1989) in the U.S., Sansone (1992) in the Netherlands, and Fernandez (1999) in Portugal. In general, these studies present detailed information about the lifestyle of young drug sellers and the organization of specific segments of the illicit drug market--mostly 'problem drugs' or 'street drugs' such as heroin and crack cocaine. Also, they often exclusively focus on males and on marginalized groups such as a specific racial or ethnic group, i.e., Blacks, Latin Americans, or Caribbeans (Reuter, et al., 1990; Sansone, 1992; Williams, 1993).
From a review of 15 studies evaluating drug market involvement among inner city adolescents in the late 1980s and early 1990s in the US, Centres and Weist (1998) concluded that about one in six youth were involved in drug selling activities. They found strong evidence supporting a connection between drug dealing and weapon carrying among urban youth. Economical motivations were presented as an important factor: "Many urban youth perceive their opportunities for legitimate employment as quite limited, and view drug dealing as one of the few opportunities available to advance financially" (p. 406). This is in line with findings from Reuter, et al. (1990) who concluded: "Drug selling is clearly an important career choice and major economic activity for many young black males living in poverty in the District of Colombia" (pp. xi). In a study of a multi-ethnic sample of 300 gang members (median age 22 years) in San Francisco, Waldorf (1993) concluded that the majority of gang crack sellers did not use crack themselves, while the majority of marijuana, powder cocaine, and heroin sellers did use the drugs they sold. Valdez and Sifaneck (2004) found that many Mexican American gang members were users/sellers and not-profit oriented dealers.
A leading US criminologist recently commented, "transnational comparisons are a necessary part of virtually all serious work in criminal justice and the study of criminal behavior" (Zimring, 2006:615). This also applies to the study of drug use behavior, legal or illegal, which is governed by laws, norms and cultural expectations (Edwards, Anderson, Babor, Caswell, Ferrence, Giesbrect, et al., 1994; Goode, 1993). Social-environmental factors, including drug policies and related services and enforcement, may have a significant impact on the character of the drug market that...
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